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A Constructivist Analysis: Case of ISIS in Iraq, Term Paper Example

Pages: 26

Words: 7038

Term Paper

Abstract

An analysis of constructionist views that impacted the Middle Eastern identity leading to the creation of ISIS resulting in the eventual establishment of a self-declared Islamic caliphate in the region.  The paper discusses the social, historical, and cultural values that have given rise to this identity resulting in the development of extremist attitudes towards the west and other nations.  Finally, the paper supports the idea that a better understanding of the root causes of ISIS can lead to a more effective policy and measures.

Keywords: ISIS, Islam, Middle East, Iraq, Constructivism, West, Politics, Culture, Social Science,

A Constructivist Analysis: Case of ISIS in Iraq

The existence of ISIS in Iraq is predicated on a fundamental basis in the social and historical conditions that precluded it.  Furthermore, it has been the result of the identities of those within the region, their religious principles, and the way in which their cultural ideologies have been in conflict with the moral foundations of the international community.   In viewing the history of the region through a constructivist lens a more coherent understanding of how it resulted in the rise of ISIS can be established.  The significance of the research is to provide insight into this important issue, which has effects on the geopolitical landscape of not only the Middle East but the world as a whole.  The basic question that the research will focus on is the significance of the relationship between the social and cultural history of the region and the effect that this history has had on the modern establishment of ISIS.  Variables include historical, social, and cultural factors that led to the rise of the ISIS ideology in the region.  These include variables such as religious, political, and moral ideologies.  Due to the impact they have had on the formation of the organization the way in which these elements tie into one another is important to consider.  The way in which these elements tie into one another is important to consider due to the impact they have had on the formation of the organization.  Through the utilization of qualitative research, this paper presents the need to understand the rise of ISIS through the interaction of these social, cultural, and historical variables.  The focus of the research can, therefore, be established through the context of the natural interactions between these elements.  In researching this information it will become evident that the rise of ISIS is dependent upon a specific cultural, social, and historical framework.

Constructivism argues that there are values and ideologies that are inherent within a culture or society that are the result of the historic relationships that those societies have had with others.  In the case of ISIS and the Middle East, it seems that the historic relationship that the region has had with the international community has had a profound effect on the development of the organization.  The rising number of believers who follow the institution of Islam has created a political environment that is increasingly susceptible to the rules and laws of Islamic doctrines.  This influence is predicated on the basic influence that the religious ideologies of Islam have had on the political and social aspects of the Middle Eastern region.  “Alongside democracy, socialism, communism, monarchy, and autocratic authoritarianism, Islamism is one of modernity’s most influential political and religious ideologies”.[1]  This presents the underlying importance of understanding this influence in the context of the rise of ISIS within the region.  The challenge to approaching the rise of ISIS within the area is to better understand Islamic traditions of the Iraqi region since the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan and even more within the past decade and beyond.  This need underlies the perception of Islam as a leading force in the modern world.  In doing so, a better idea of their historical and cultural ideologies and how they will influence the future can be achieved.  This can help to fundamentally alter the way that policies in the region are carried out.[2]  These policies will be based on the realities of the region and the social, cultural, and ethnic boundaries that divide it.

While the tenets of Islam establish the importance of development within civilization they are also equally concerned with the basic need to establish these developments within the basic ideologies and conceptions of the Islamic religion.  This is due to the fact that believers in Islam maintain the idea that “change must be regulated by traditional beliefs and practices”.[3]  In understanding the basic beliefs and traditions that are practiced, a more thorough understanding of how these tenets ultimately effect the stability of the region can be understood.  This can, in turn, provide a more coherent idea of how the rise of ISIS in the Middle East is predicated on this historical and cultural framework.  The basis of Islamic values in their political and social systems is an important factor to consider in the development of polices regarding the region.  These policies should, therefore, reflect the underlying assumptions that are at work in their value system.

The main idea that needs to be understood regarding the establishment of ISIS within the Iraq region is the basic affirmation of religious belief that underlies its conception.  This presents the need to promote an understanding of these fundamentalist doctrines.  “Broadly speaking, fundamentalism is the activist affirmation of specific beliefs and practices that define a religion in an absolutist and literalist manner”.[4]  This idea of absolutism and literal translations of the messages of Islam present the underlying challenge to developing counter terrorism strategies in order to effectively promote a culture that can exist outside of these extremist ideologies.  The promotion of these conceptions regarding Islam and its application in the sociopolitical field underscore a basic need to establish the historical framework from which these ideologies developed.[5]  This is due to the impact that fundamentalist ideologies have on the conception that others have on a religion.

The spread of these extremist doctrines can only be fully understood in connection with the basic ideas of radical fundamentalist Islam.  The application of strict interpretations of the Quran create a challenge to the stability of the region.[6]  This is due to the inflexibility of these conservative ideologies and the application of absolute ideologies in a region that is more diverse than these types of doctrines are able to account for.  In this sense, “fundamentalists attempt to formulate these ideas and then apply these ideals to themselves, to others within their religion, and to society at large”.[7] The application of fundamentalist ideologies, therefore, presents a starting point for a better conception of how these doctrines have led to the establishment of a radical Islamic state.  In viewing fundamentalist precepts in this light, the ability to distinguish between fundamentalism and the religion itself can help to provide important insight into the political situation of the region.[8]  These differences can help to provide a basic understanding of the groups that are struggling against one another, and so will help to develop the conditions under which fundamentalism would potentially flourish.

The violence associated with these extremist beliefs are, therefore, a result of the historical framework that can be seen in the region’s past.  The violent interpretations of the message of Islam are an underlying aspect of this historical framework.  In essence, the struggles of the region have resulted in a conception of the west that is mired in the historical problems that have these societies have had to contend with.  This is the result of “constructed arguments founded on their interpretation of the Quran, Hadith, and early Islamic history which justify violent attacks against the West and Western institutions”.[9]  This conception of Islam, which predicates the rise of Jihadist movements, provides insight into the underlying struggles that have resulted in this view of western culture.  The idea that there is an eternal struggle between the precepts of Islam and those elements that are seen as important in the Western world, capitalism, individuality, and freedom of choice, presents a challenge to the established values that are inherent to the struggle in the region.  This points out the principles that these extremist ideologies can be considered in regards to.  This will also help to develop an idea of how these principles effect the stability of the region.

In order to understand these effects, it is important to first understand the basic structure of the Islamic state, and how it can be viewed as distinct from other terrorist threats that have arisen in the region.  In essence, the group must be viewed as much more than simply a terrorist group.  “If ISIS is purely and simply anything, it is a pseudo-state led by a conventional army”.[10]  As it is not composed of cells and seems to have its own economic capabilities and leadership, the group is much more organized than a traditional terrorist organization.  In this sense, the rise of ISIS is rooted much more deeply in the past than many other terrorist groups, which are often the result of modern situations within area.  Rather, ISIS is based on a historic conception of a Caliph being the representation of Islam through a religiously focused state devoted to the teachings of the Quran.[11]  This basis in a historical identity is not new, but the use of a Caliph presents their consideration of their own legitimacy.  By building their struggle beneath the idea of an established Caliphate they have successfully rallied other likeminded individuals to their cause.

The group is, therefore, a much larger threat than traditional terrorist groups, as it presents a political challenge to not only the Middle Eastern region but the world as a whole.  This is due to the fact that the group can be considered “a global network focused on carrying out spectacular attacks against Western or Western-allied targets, with the goal of rallying Muslims to join a global confrontation with secular powers near and far”.[12]  Their struggle is with any faith or political organization that do not share their own interpretation of the world.  The organization is, therefore, a result of this ideological struggle.  This presents one of the biggest challenges to those attempting to combat the group, due to the basic premise of ISIS that they promote a sanctioned political ideology that was established in order to effect change throughout the entire world.[13]  This is perhaps the reason that there are individuals from all over the world, and from all walks of life, traveling to the region in order to fight on both sides.  People searching for an identity or a cause are given a way to focus their needs creating a strong attraction to the organization, even from more modern nations.  While many view the State as being the establishment of Islamic values on Earth, others see it as a threat that challenges the world in its existence.

In essence, the challenge to interests that are in conflict with the rise of ISIS is mainly in the underlying conception of their role as holy warriors on a divine quest to bring the tenets of Islam to the world as a whole.  In combating this, it is important for western nations to understand the basic need to work with the established governments of the Middle East in order to combat the threat.  “Improvements in local governance, legal systems, public services, and economic conditions may be at least as important as military operations, though the former often depend on the success of the latter”.[14]  In this sense, the main goal of those fighting ISIS should be in establishing relationships with the multitude of communities that are being displaced by the rise of ISIS throughout the Middle East.  This can help to develop a sense of comradery among western powers and those in the region opposing ISIS.[15]  In doing so, a better understanding of the complexity of their culture and their tribal identities can help to effectively develop the relationship between western nations and the Middle East.

This, in essence, presents the greatest challenge to western leaders.  The ability to work these groups “depends on the quality and performance of the government that is directly threatened by insurgency—a lesson relearned the hard way in Iraq and Afghanistan”.[16]  This presents the need to better understand the historical identities of these groups and their roles in the region in relation to other groups, communities, cultures, and ethnic groups.  In essence, creating strategic alliances with those in the area through not only mutual necessity, but mutual respect of one another’s cultures, can help to promote both a strong alliance for combating ISIS and a strong relationship moving forward into history.[17]  The way that polices have been carried out in the past have left out the importance of understanding the complexity of regional politics in the Middle East.  That is, that various groups might struggle with one another, but that they have their own territories that can be divided in a more effective way geographically.  This can be done by understanding the political and cultural histories of these groups.

The importance of understanding the history of these groups is indicated by the balance of powers that has been considered to be unstable in the region.  Any actions taken can either enhance of impede the ability to actively combat ISIS in the region.  This is due to the fact that any actions can have profound effects on the relationships of these basic groups.   In this way, “defective local government and deficient local security services can cancel out the advantages of even superior U.S. forces and massive assistance”.[18]  By understanding the social and historical roots of ISIS, as well as other groups in the region, a more efficient strategy can help to maintain an effective counter-insurgency in the region, which can work to fulfill the ultimate goal of stability.  This would be effective in the long run against future threats and would also help to ensure the ongoing strength of the region through the establishment of relationships based on these realities.[19] This would effectively limit the threat of groups such as ISIS. This is necessary in creating a more cohesive political structure in the region.

The fact is that, when looking at the basic ideologies of ISIS, they present a growing danger to the region and to the rest of the world as well.  This is due to the fact that political experts have “identified the Islamic State of Iraq and Levant as a significant threat to the United States, its allies and the overall stability of the Middle East”.[20]  The rise of ISIS could, therefore, have worldwide implications.  Their presence is a threat to the stability of many nations that have stakes in the region.  This stability should be considered as vital to removing the threat of ISIS from the region altogether.  The ability for these local entities to combat the threat of such groups is crucial to limiting the need for Western powers to intervene in Middle Eastern affairs.  This would further help these nations to establish positive relationships with those political entities that would be established within the Middle East.[21]  This can only be done, though if the current policies regarding operations in the region can be restructured based on more rational and coherent guidelines.

The historical underpinnings of the existence of ISIS present a challenge to long held notions regarding how the region operates.  This is apparent in looking at the identities of these nations within the past century.  “When examined from a regional perspective, ISIS represents the spearhead of a broader movement threatening to sunder the Arab political order that has existed since the end of World War I, and potentially threatening non-Arab states such as Iran, Turkey and even Israel”.[22]  This demonstrates the need for effective cooperation in the matter as well.  The fact that both Arab and non-Arab groups in the area must cooperate against this threat only serves to show how dangerous it is.[23]  These nations that would be traditionally at odds with one another are now in need of working together in order to combat this mutual threat, which makes the situation even more complicated.

These events present a perspective that can help to inform the underlying balance of power in the region.  For this reason, it is important to highlight the need to “move beyond country-specific approaches towards a regional effort to manage the relationships between competing powers”.[24]  In looking at the Middle East as its own region, outside the boundaries of state actors, a better understanding of the dynamics of cultural influences in the area can be attained.  These dynamics have generally been at odds with one another due to the fundamental religious differences between Islamic and Arabic beliefs.  However, this demonstrates the need for those with moderate beliefs to work together in order to combat extremism.  Fundamentalist doctrines present a common challenge to those nations in the region, and abroad, that are based on religious ideologies.

The rise of ISIS at this time can be essentially regarded as the result of U.S. and western action in the region.  The instability caused by the U.S. led invasion in Iraq created the atmosphere necessary for ISIS to establish control in the region.  In this sense, “the U.S. 2003 invasion of Iraq, the installation of a pro-American government and its later evacuation at least in part encouraged ISIS extremists to undertake its current aggressive campaign”.[25]  The hatred that was created towards the west through the invasions of Iraq and Afghanistan as well as the historical influence that western nations have had over the region created the opportunity for the group to gather followers in their mutual dislike of the current political and religious influences in the Middle East.  The destabilization of the region after the Iraq war upset the order that had been created by Saddam Hussein’s regime.  At this time, the minority, composed of Sunni Muslims, were in control of the minorities.  However, once the Sunni’s were ousted from power, the Shia minority then dominated and shut out Sunni’s from political representation.  ISIS was born with the Sunni’s establishing their own state in the vaccum of power created by the Syrian conflict.[26]  This, in turn, creates incentive for those who have been disenfranchised by the war, from citizens to ex-soldiers, to join an extremist group such as ISIS, as they no longer have anything to lose.  The biggest challenge, therefore, is the precise and effective application of power that seeks to mitigate damage.

These issues are made even more evident when looking at the record of success of involvement in the region. “Past U.S. involvement in Iraq also demonstrated that there is no guarantee that future military involvement will ensure long-term, or even short-term, peace and security for the embattled country”.[27]  The ongoing military struggles that the west has engaged in within the region present a basic concern for strategic application of military power going forward. The difficulty that coalition forces have had in ensuring the success of military campaign presents the need to redirect the basic presumptions that have been attributed to the region.  In looking at the rise of ISIS in this sense, it becomes evident that they are the result of a failure to take into account the necessity of establishing strong political foundations even after a successful military campaign.[28]  These factors include increasingly negative sentiments towards those with differing ideologies coupled with the rise of extremist beliefs and failed efforts to establish an effective political foundation in the region.

In looking at the historical framework of the Middle East, specifically in Iraq, and the rise of ISIS, it is important to consider the differences between the Middle Eastern countries and European nations. This makes it difficult to attribute the rise of terrorist organizations and groups such as ISIS to simply Islamic doctrine itself.  “While Europe had languished in ignorance, superstition, and Christian religious restrictions during the Middle Ages, the Arab world witnessed a dynamic flowering of scholars, libraries, and scientific advances in mathematics, astronomy, geography, navigation, medicine, philosophy and agriculture”.[29]  This presents an important consideration in combating the ideologies that are presented by ISIS.  It would be easy to treat the issue as simply a product of Islamic culture, but history reveals that this is not necessarily the case.  While Europe dealt with fundamentalist Christian doctrines, the Middle Eastern nations that were based in Islamic ideologies became a haven for knowledge and learning.  After the middle ages, this information was readopted into European knowledge.  In this way, there is no evidence for any sort of cultural superiority in the struggle of ideologies between the west and the Middle East.[30]

Furthermore, the region has seen the influx of proxy war over the past decade.  The struggles between Eastern and Western powers after the conclusion of the Second World War indicates the susceptibility of the region to global influences.   It is, therefore, important to consider “the shifting boundaries between East and West, first in the Cold War and then on the cusp between the Islamic and Western worlds”.[31]  This presents a historical identity that is fundamentally different than many other nations of the world.  The basic association that the Middle East has with western nations has resulted in an inevitable rise of an organization that would challenge the underlying structures of these nations.[32]  The region has essentially been the border between the cold war proxy struggles between capitalism and communism.  This is an important factor in the present view that Middle Eastern nations have of the rest of the world, and the west in particular.  The region was dominated for centuries by the Ottoman Empire. The fall of the Ottomans coincided with the expansion and rise of the British Empire and European colonialism. After WWI the European powers took upon themselves to carve out new nations based on spheres of influence and the need to have access to the increasing importance of oil reserves. The countries that they created were effectively under their control until WW II. Then after the cold war replaced the old European powers with the need to keep a balance between the communist and the capitalist worlds. With the disappearance of the Soviet bloc, the US believed that they could democratize the region. In the US a group of ideologists, often referred to as neo-cons, believed that 9/11 gave them the perfect excuse to carry this plan out. However they wrongly believed that military power could support and bring about democratic change. They failed miserably. Instead with the removal of strong men and or dictators of the region a power vacuum opened up releasing old regional problems

Beyond the physical geographical implications of the region, the underlying conception of their ideologies has presented a challenge to those ideas presented within the western world.  One of the main historical influences on the rise of ISIs has, therefore, been the basic conception of their ideological standpoint in regards to the Islamic religion and its strict interpretation.  This has resulted in a fundamentally radical shift regarding their conception of truth.  In this sense, “the relationships between these seemingly polar fields as a problem not of geography or politics, but of thought, ideas, and knowledge – that is, as essential problems of epistemology”.[33]  The way that these extremist ideologies have effected their view the world has resulted in a negative reaction to any alternatives.  The way that extremists view the truth is fundamentally different than those with more moderate beliefs.  The only truth for those following these doctrines can be found in scripture.  This creates a rift between the way that those with extremist beliefs and those with more moderate beliefs will see the world.

One of the most damaging influences has been the result of military intervention in the region.  While these actions work in the short term against specific targets, in the long term they have been shown to increase “Targeting individual terrorists and their networks is temporarily effective at quelling activities but ultimately leads to greater resolve in terrorist organizations and legitimizes their actions to local populations”.[34]  For this reason, use of military tactics has had a profound effect on the view that those in the Middle East have of those in the western world.  This presents an important factor in understanding the historical context of the rise of ISIS in the region.   While an individual group or organization might be eradicated, the remnants will ultimately go on to align with other, more radical, groups, creating more problems in the future.[35]  The effects of military strategies must, therefore, be considered in the implementation of policies in the region.

This presents the importance of understanding the historical context of the region in regards to the way that those who live there have experienced the world, and the conclusions that they have come to regarding it.  In this sense, in regards to the application of policies in the Middle East, “it will involve greater emphasis on diplomacy, nation building, and local cultural/political partnerships, which would allow a legitimate vision and alternative to terrorist pathways”.[36] Policies that are implemented should, therefore, be considered in regards to the potential for future cooperation.  In order to establish a more stable region, without having to have a standing military presence in the area, the only means of moving forward is diplomacy.[37]  By building relationships with the tribal leaders in the area a more effective partnership can help to establish a stronger region.

The establishment of a caliphate is, in itself, a development of the underlying ideologies of the Islamic world and the experiences that they have had.  The establishment of the ISIS caliphate is, therefore, a symbol for their struggle against alternative beliefs.  “The caliphate is a metaphor for the struggles between Muslim aspirations to reorder the post-colonial world and the investments of the continuation of the violent hierarchies of coloniality”.[38]  The constructivist identity that has resulted in the establishment of ISIS is, therefore, a result of their interaction with the outside world.  The view that those within ISIS have taken of others, and themselves, has essentially resulted in their creation of a political entity that reflects that image.  They see themselves, through the doctrines of extremist jihad, as at war with the rest of the world.  This view will, therefore, result in the creation of a militarized state that exists for the purpose of this war.[39]  The relationship between ISIS and the western world is, therefore, the result of the historic events that led to this identity.

In this sense, the principles that have given rise to the idea of this particular caliphate should be considered as a step towards an extremist state predicated on their radical religious doctrines.  The result of the moral and ethical ideologies that are present within the Islamic religion have resulted in the basic conception of a moral political state that is based on their interpretation of Islam.  “The caliphate, therefore, is not primarily a religious question, but rather a political one”.[40]  This presents the need to view the establishment of the Islamic State as a conception of the Islamic belief in creating order through the teachings of the Quran.  The experience of the Islamic world have, in this way, created the identity that is based in struggle and promoting this aspect of moral law.  The question of how a government should be established can be determined by the underling moral and ethical positons of those who are creating its structure.  In this sense, those with Islamic ideologies would naturally build a government composed of those ideologies, as it is prescribed by the doctrines of their beliefs.[41]  In this regard, the rise of ISIS can be understood through the radicalization of these traditional ideologies.  These doctrines, however, are open for interpretation and those who resort to extremist ideas are no different.

This presents the need to view the rise of ISIS through the lens of constructivism.  Rather than being an extension of the underlying nature of people in the region, this establishment is based in specific socially oriented cultural and historical events.  It is, therefore, evident that “the most significant trend in international relations theory in the last two decades has been the emergence of approaches emphasizing social, cultural, and ideational factors into the foreground of the field”.[42] This allows for a more fundamental understanding of the underlying characterization of these groups and the basic presuppositions that they have should be considered.  In understanding these implications on this level a more rational position regarding the interventions that are necessary can be established.  The historic implications of the current circumstances of the region can help to provide fundamental insight into how more effective measures might be taken in the future.

The importance of constructivism in understanding the rise of ISIS in the Middle East is evident in the failure of military action in the region.  This challenges traditional aspects of policy that have been rooted in viewing the principles of Middle Eastern policies in Iraq and its neighbors in a way that does not take into account the historical relationships of the region.  For this reason, it is important to consider the need for “a more mature understanding of the need for long term, patient, and moderate involvement in an international system”.[43]  In doing so a more coherent framework for approaching threats in the region can be established.  Careful analysis of basic political positions, religious ideologies, and historic implications can help to develop a more effective strategy for combating the rise of extremism, and ISIS in particular.[44]  By doing so, policies can be established that help to maintain a more stable position in the region.

One of the most fundamental things to understand in regards to Middle Eastern ideologies is the relationship between faith and politics. These two ideas, which have been, for the most part, divorced from one another in the western world, are still intrinsically connected for Islamic nations.  In another sense, this is a necessary connection.  “For many Muslim believers, it is an article of faith that religion and politics are fused”.[45]  This presents insight into the underlying challenge of combating extremism, as the basic ideology of many organizations is the need to establish religious principles in government, which is in direct contrast to the way that secular nations view politics.  This is one of the most discerning factors that challenge the policies of western nations.  The attitudes of those within the nations are fundamentally informed by the religious ideologies that have been sanctioned within their political systems

This challenge to the idea of secular politics presents one of the most distinctive ideas that need to be understood when combating Islamic extremism.  The basic principles that coincide with active religion in politics is in direct contrast to secular ideologies.  This is important because “the very fact of their active hostility shows the unavoidable tensions between religion and politics in the historical process”.[46]  In understanding the rise of the Islamic State, it is, therefore, important to understand this basic connection between extremist ideologies and the need to establish a political structure that is in line with religious doctrines of Sharia law.  It is, therefore, difficult to implement policies that attempt to divorce religious and political ideologies in the region.[47]  This is due to the underlying historic relationship that the political and religious systems have with one another.

The way that these ideological differences have played out in the region presents support for the basic idea that the international relationships that arise from the experiences and cultural identities of societies can be understood through their unique cultural identities.  This presents the idea that “knowledge is a social construction whose meanings are made by people in their group interactions”.[48]  The relationships that have been established within the international community through these military interactions have created the climate necessary for the establishment of ISIS.  This supports the idea that those policies that have been implemented in the regions should reflect the identities that those within the region have due to the social, historic, and cultural ideologies that they have developed.  These developments have occurred in the context of the Ottoman Empire, the British Empire, the Soviet led invasion of Afghanistan, and United States led invasion of Iraq.  The social and cultural devastation of this turbulence has resulted in a need for identity and tradition, which has taken radical form in the establishment of ISIS.

The relationships that have been established between western nations and the Middle East have had a profound impact on the development of the religious identities that have resulted in the creation of ISIS.  This is evidence for the idea that “international relations are contingent on the way identity is constructed”.[49]  The result of colonialism, the world wars, and the turbulent military action that the United States and other western nations have taken in the region have had a profound effect on their view of the world, and in turn, have resulted in the establishment of a pseudo-state that is symbolic of this relationship.[50]

The ideas of constructivism were present in the actions taken against these Middle Eastern nations as well.  This occurred after the events of September 11th.  This resulted in a fundamental shift in ideology and the way that they viewed the threat of organizations in the Middle East.  “For constructivists, a proposed normative shift in American strategic cultural ideas played a causal role in the US invasion of Iraq”.[51]  While no Iraqis took part in the attack, the underlying conceptions of the Middle Eastern country established a radical ideology in regards to the view that the United States would come to have on Islamic beliefs.  This presented a challenge to those in the region, who saw this as an attack on their underlying social and religious identities.  The view that those within the region have of those who attack their faith and their political ideologies could potentially have the result of extremist attitudes if they see their personal identities as being challenged.

This presents the need to view these challenges through a constructivist lens.  The underlying principles of the social and cultural identities that are in play in international relationships have a profound effect on how those relationships play out on the world stage.  “The ideas of strategic culture expressed in norms play a central role in national security outcomes for constructivists”.[52]  In this way, the basic principles of these ideas can help to understand how ISIS was created and why the historical and cultural relationships that have taken place in the region have resulted in such violence.  These outcomes are the result of past military and political intervention as well as the perceived attitudes towards the identities of those in the Middle East.[53]  These factors have had the effect of increasing the extremist attitudes towards others.

In regards to Iraq in particular, there is a history of instability due to the complex ethnic and social identities that are interacting in the region.  This has led to a basic schism in the region.  This can be seen as the result of how the nations were viewed by international powers after the end of colonialism as well as the World Wars.  “Iraq is politically and ethnically divided and in some places without centralized power”.[54]  For this reason, the identities of those within the country differ from the perceived identities of those from without.  This has resulted in a tension between how those in the Middle East view themselves and how they are viewed by the outside world.  This tension is due to the implementation of ineffective policies that have not taken into account the importance of social, historic, and political structures in the region.

Furthermore, the establishment of ISIS in Iraq has been the result of the power vacuum resulting from long-term military action and the weakening of the established political structure of the region.  In this way, the establishment of ISIS is a direct threat to the sovereignty of Iraq itself.  “The advance of ISIS has intensified the fragmentation of Iraq and could accelerate the dissolution of the single state there”.[55]  The identity of the region itself is, therefore, an important factor to consider in understanding the development of the group.  This has been the direct result of the need of those within the region to establish a stronger identity for themselves within a conflicted and fragmented nation.  This identity is, therefore, the result of the implications of past policies that have been carried out.  The rise of extremism is, therefore, a direct result of these constructivist developments.[56]  The historically and socially constructed relationship that ISIS has with western nations is, therefore, an important element to consider in future policies.

Therefore, in creating an identity through the use of the Islamic idea of a Caliphate, ISIS is able to unite many of those who believe that they have been marginalized by the western political strategies in the region under a united banner.  This strategy is based in the idea of constructivism, and the identities that have been the result of international relations in the region.  “By adopting the early Islamic concept of the caliphate, ISIS is appealing to many Muslims’ longing for cultural authenticity, religious purity, and political unity”.[57]  The rise of ISIS is, therefore, directly related to the relationship that those in the region have historically had with the western world.  This relationship has built an identity among those in the region, and often this identity results in extremist attitudes towards those in the West.  These attitudes present the need to challenge traditional policies that have been developed in dealing with the region, and to present those that are more inclined towards the historic complexity of the region.

References

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Kelly, A. (2014). The United States, Iraq and the Islamic State: Challenges and Policy Options. Flinders Journal of History and Politics 30 (pp. 35-67). Retrieved from http://www.questia.com/read/1P3-3660826691/the-united-states-iraq-and-the-islamic-state-challenges.

Lamb, C. (2012). The House of Wisdom: How the Arabs Transformed Western Civilization. Comparative Civilizations Review, 67 (pp. 1-135). Retrieved from http://www.questia.com/read/1P3-2812358481/the-house-of-wisdom-how-the-arabs-transformed-western.

Lauterbach, T. (2013). Constructivism, Strategic Culture, and the Iraq War. ASPJ Africa and Francophonie (pp. 1-15). Retrieved from http://www.airpower.maxwell.af.mil/apjinternational/apj-af/2011/2011-4/eng/2011_4_05_Lauterbach.pdf

Munoz, M.J., Crosston, M. (2015). Diplomatic Counterterrorist Deterrence: Moving beyond Military Means. Air & Space Power Journal, 29(4) (pp. 1- 5). Retrieved from http://www.questia.com/read/1P3-3804595671/diplomatic-counterterrorist-deterrence-moving-beyond.

Rosany, S. (2014). The Caliph’s New Clothes: The Islamic State in Iraq and Syria. GIGA Focus International Edition/English, (6) (pp. 1-8). Retrieved from https://www.giga hamburg.de/en/system/files/publications/gf_international_1406.pdf

Sayyid, S. (2015). Recalling the Caliphate: Decolonization and World Order. Arab Studies Quarterly, 37, (1), (2015), (pp. 130-147). Retrieved from http://www.questia.com/read/1P3-3655858351/recalling-the-caliphate-decolonization-and-world

Schonberg, K.K. (2009). Robert E. Osgood and the Origins of Social International Relations Theory. International Journal 64, no. 3 (pp. 811-834). Retrieved from http://www.questia.com/read/1P3-1885117351/robert-e-osgood-and-the-origins-of-social-international.

Sekulow, J. (2014). Rise of ISIS: A Threat We Can’t Ignore. Howard Books, (chs. 1-11) (pp. 1-177).

Sivers, P.V. (2005). God’s Rule: Government and Islam. The Middle East Journal, 59(1) (pp. 163-187). Retrieved from http://www.questia.com/read/1P3-882844051/god-s-rule-government-and-islam

Soltani, F., Jawan, J.A., Ahmad, Z.B. (2014). Constructivism, Christian Reus-Smit and the Moral Purpose of the State. Asian Social Science, 10(10), (pp. 153-201). Retrieved from http://www.questia.com/read/1P3-3312316021/constructivism-christian-reus-smit-and-the-moral.

Terrill, W.A. (2014). Understanding the Strengths and Vulnerabilities of ISIS. Parameters, 44(3), (pp. 13-54). Retrieved from http://www.questia.com/read/1G1-397579199/understanding-the-strengths-and-vulnerabilities-of.

Valbjorn, M. (2004). Modern History and Politics: The International Politics of the Middle East. The Middle East Journal, 58(2) (pp. 320-356). Retrieved from http://www.questia.com/read/1P3-639465771/modern-history-and-politics-the-international-politics.\

Valensi, C. (2015). Non-State Actors: A Theoretical Limitation in a Changing Middle East. Military and Strategic Affairs, 7(1), Retrieved from https://owl.english.purdue.edu/owl/resource/560/01/

Wendt, A. (1992). Anarchy is what States Make of it: The Social Construction of Power Politics. International Organization, 46(2) (pp. 391-425). Retrieved from http://www.jstor.org/stable/2706858?seq=1#page_scan_tab_contents

[1] Armajani, J. (2012). Modern Islamist Movements: History, Religion, and Politics. (Chs. 1-7 pp. 1-218). Malden, MA: Wiley-Blackwell, 2012, p. 1.

[2] Valensi, C. (2015). Non-State Actors: A Theoretical Limitation in a Changing Middle East. Military and Strategic Affairs, 7(1)

[3] Armajani 2012, p. 1

[4] Armajani 2012, p. 2

[5] Schonberg, K.K. (2009). Robert E. Osgood and the Origins of Social International Relations Theory. International Journal 64, no. 3 (pp. 811-834)

[6] Valensim 2015

[7] Armajani 2012, p. 2

[8] Sekulow, J. (2014). Rise of ISIS: A Threat We Can’t Ignore. Howard Books, (chs. 1-11) (pp. 1-177).

[9] Armajani 2012, p. 4

[10] Cronin, Audrey Kurth. (2015). ISIS Is Not a Terrorist Group: Why Counterterrorism Won’t Stop the Latest Jihadist Threat. Foreign Affairs, 94(2).

[11] Sekulow, 2014

[12] Cronin, 2015

[13] Terrill, W.A. (2014). Understanding the Strengths and Vulnerabilities of ISIS. Parameters, 44(3), (pp. 13-54).

[14] Gompert, D.C., Gordon, G. IV. (2008). War by Other Means: Building Complete and Balanced Capabilities for Counterinsurgency. (pp. 1-519). Santa Monica, CA: Rand, p. 4.

[15] Terrill, 2014

[16] Gompert 2008, p. 4

[17] Valensi, 2015

[18] Gompert 2008, p. 5

[19] Valensi, 2015

[20] Harrison, R. (2014). Towards a Regional Strategy Contra ISIS. Parameters 44(3) (pp. 64-87).

[21] Valensi, 2015

[22] Harrison 2014

[23] Schonberg, 2009

[24] Harrison 2014

[25] Kelly, A. (2014). The United States, Iraq and the Islamic State: Challenges and Policy Options. Flinders Journal of History and Politics 30 (pp. 35-67)

[26] Sekulow, 2014

[27] Kelly 2014

[28] Sekulow, 2014

[29] Lamb, C. (2012). The House of Wisdom: How the Arabs Transformed Western Civilization. Comparative Civilizations Review, 67 (pp. 1-135).

[30] Wendt, A. (1992). Anarchy is what States Make of it: The Social Construction of Power Politics. InternationalOrganization, 46(2) (pp. 391-425).

[31] Lamb, 2012

[32] Terrill, 2014

[33] Lamb, 2012

[34] Munoz, M.J., Crosston, M. (2015). Diplomatic Counterterrorist Deterrence: Moving beyond Military Means. Air & Space Power Journal, 29(4) (pp. 1- 5).

[35] Wendt, 1992

[36] Munoz 2003

[37] Valensi, 2015

[38] Sayyid, S. (2015). Recalling the Caliphate: Decolonization and World Order. Arab Studies Quarterly, 37, (1), (2015), (pp. 130-147).

[39] Terrill, 2014

[40] Sayyid 2015

[41] Wendt, 1992

[42] Osgood 1997

[43] Osgood, 1997

[44] Terrill, 2014

[45] Sivers, P.V. (2005). God’s Rule: Government and Islam. The Middle East Journal, 59(1) (pp. 163-187).

[46] Sivers 2005

[47] Terrill, 2014

[48] Soltani, F., Jawan, J.A., Ahmad, Z.B. (2014). Constructivism, Christian Reus-Smit and the Moral Purpose of the State. Asian Social Science, 10(10), (pp. 153-201).

[49] Valbjorn, M. (2004). Modern History and Politics: The International Politics of the Middle East. The Middle East Journal, 58(2) (pp. 320-356)

[50] Valbjorn, 2004

[51] Lauterbach, T. (2013). Constructivism, Strategic Culture, and the Iraq War. ASPJ Africa and Francophonie p. 61.

[52] Lauterbach 2013, p. 64

[53] Sekulow, 2014

[54] Rosany, S. (2014). The Caliph’s New Clothes: The Islamic State in Iraq and Syria. GIGA Focus International Edition/English, (6), p. 1.

[55] Rosany 2014, p. 1

[56] Wendt, 1992

[57] Rosany 2014, p. 1

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