Franco’s Nationalist State, Coursework Example

Introduction

Franco’s dictatorship in the 20th century has been examined by several authors from the ideological, political, economic and social perspective (Guibernau, 2003). Some authors examine the question whether the Spanish nationalism had a civic or ethnic foundation (Muro and Quiroga, 2005: 10) The below essay is attempting to review the political, ethnic, national and ideological foundations that have supported the creation of Franco’s totalitarian nationalist state. However, before proceeding to analyze the given case, it is important to determine what most researchers believe the correct definition of a nationalist state is. Weber (1994: 78) defines a state as a community that claims the monopoly of using force and power within its territory. He defines nation as a group that has a shared culture, territory and heritage, as well as a common future vision. Therefore, the nation state should have five different dimensions. Guibernau (2003: 4) defines these dimensions as: psychological, cultural, territorial, historical and political. According to Eriksen (2002: 7), a nationalist state is created when political leaders take control of the ethnic movement within the country, creating a nationalist movement. Therefore, it is important to note that the initial ethnic movement is turned into a political ideology, creating a foundation for the creation of a national state. Franco, in the time of ethnic turmoil, took control over nationalist ideologies and made them state ideologies. However, he needed acceptance from the society, followers and supporters. The below essay will investigate how and why he achieved the support and how he built the political ideology of the national state.

Historical Background

The modern nation of Spain was created during the 19th century, based on liberal and traditional models of the nation, according to Muro  (2005: 12). The constitution of the Spanish nation was created in 1812. There was a combination of liberal and national thought present during this century; during the “War of Independence”, nationalist and traditional views about Spain emerged. In the end of the 19th century and the beginning of the 20th century, still there was a competition between the liberal and traditional views of the Spanish nation. At the turn of the century, the emergence of the Basque and Catalonian national ideologies changed the society of the country. One of the main reasons for this emergence of the national feelings among Basque and Catalonian people was that due to the increased level of industrialization within Spain, they felt that their traditions and culture were under threat. (Muro, 2005: 15) This is what the author calls “peripherical nationalism”. Two ideas emerged in the first half of the 20th century to solve the problem of peripherical nationalism: integration of different ethnic groups and the decentralization of the state. While political forces granted rights to ethnic minorities and a level of autonomy, this came too late and the Spanish Civil War (1936-1939) broke out.

Franco’s regime lasted for more than three decades (1939- 1975). It came as an answer to the civil war, offering peace, a strong political power and the “conservative-traditionalist” nationalist approach. Further, the strengthening of Catholic values within the state has impacted the political and ideological power created by the Franco regime. There was a need for a strong leader who knew how to create order and control military forces. Further, Franco created “National Catholicism” as a state ideology, stating that the core of the nation was based on catholic values. The centralization of the state resulted in the oppression of Catalan and Basque centers and cultural assimilation was promoted by the state politics, as well as the ideology promoted by the dictator. The regeneration of the nation as one was not built on real sense of belonging, though, and the only force that held Franco’s nation-state together was military power and state aggression against free thinkers. As several totalitarian dictators before and after him, Franco influenced the masses through “rewriting history”.  Muro and  Quiroga (2005: 19) confirm that state propaganda labelled the Civil War as a “crusade”. At the same time, just like other dictators (Hitler, Stalin), Franco managed to find a common enemy to target: “anti-Spain” forces, consisting of communists, liberals and peripheral nationalists.

Ideological Background

Gonzalez-Perez (2001: 8) states that myth had a major role to play in the ideology of Franco’s Spain. According to the author, the three year civil war was laying the foundations of reuniting the country. The myths of Spain, based on the merger of two kingdoms: Aragon and Castille were used to create national pride and strong ethnic identity in people. However, the author also states that myth was a tool used by Franco’s regime to defeat history. The population (mostly Catholic) had a strong background knowledge of the Biblical texts, and as people of God, the population felt obliged to accept “”Caudillo by the Grace of God” as Franco. Indeed, ideology, national identity and traditions, beliefs are often used by dictators to control the thoughts of masses.

The main ideology used by Franco in the post-war period of Spain was the philosophy of “Hispaniad”. As Spain became separated from international organization and marginalized from mainstream politics (Haruko, 2008: 16), they turned towards Latin America. The Franco leadership found means of promoting common cultural and ideological traits, such as the fight against communism and embracing Christianity. While Spain’s efforts to join the European Economic Community and lost several colonies in decades after the Second World War, it managed to join the United Nations in 1955. (Haruko, 2008: 16). Meanwhile, Franco managed to further strengthen his authority, influence on the opinion of the Spanish public and censorship was introduced.

Political Foundations of Franco’s Regime

Zapendowski (2004) states that the dictatorship of Franco resembles the reign of Hitler and Mussolini in several aspects. While his rule was less fascist, the totalitarian features of Franco’s rule are clearly visible. He took advantage of the support of the national political forces in the country during the turmoil of the Civil War, however, did not fully embrace the ideology shared by these parties. His political ideology of Spain was based on integration and the aim to create a strong, homogeneous society, instead of excluding different minority groups from the nation. While Franco was aiming for expanding the power of the nation, especially its influence in Latin America and Europe, he did not want to expand the territory of the nation-state. He did enter alliances with fascist states but maintained his position to prevent Spain from turning into one of them (Zapendowski, 2004: 8). Indeed, he only used the nationalist party of Spain during the Civil War to weaken the monarchist forces.

The oppression of the Catalonian intellectual elite had several implications on the future history of Spain. While some individuals within the group supported Franco’s regime, the other half opposed the political and ethnic changes, trying to maintain the culture and language of Catalonia.

Muro (2005: 1) describes Spanish nationalism as a clash of Spanish (state) and regional nationalism. In Franco’s era, regional nationalism was oppressed and state nationalism was promoted by the political system. Franco, indeed, according to the author, (2005: 2) did engage in a state-building process, but the author focuses on Franco’s approach of a “top-down and bottom-up ‘construction’ of the nation as an imagined community” (2005: 10) Therefore, it is evident that the nationalism that Franco promoted within the country during his regime was not ethnic but civic; indeed, it was attempting to suppress peripheral ethnic nationalist movements. Still, his ethnic concept of the Spanish nation did not succeed and the response for oppression was strong opposition of leftist, Catalan and Basque groups.

Zapendowski (2003). however, goes further than stating that Franco wanted to create a civic nationalist state to maintain control and power: he states that the leader did not even believe in the dogmas and ideas he promoted. He states that the alliances of Franco were not based on ideology, but interest based on the leader’s ambition to gain more power internationally and more support within Spain. Zapendowski (2003: 2) clearly states that “not only was Franco not a fascist in the international arena, but the alliance between Franco and fascism within Spain was merely a superficial political maneuver by the Generalissimo intended to legitimize his own power through cynical use of radical dogma”. It is true that Franco was creating a totalitarian state, but he did not attempt to expand the nation and he did not engage in wars that promoted the superiority of Spanish nation above others. His regime maintained power and control with the use of military force and state bureaucracy, but the foundations of true fascism were missing from his politics, compared to the states created by Mussolini and Hitler.

It is true that in the 20^th century Europe, several ethnic groups were (and still are) living “under the umbrella of a single state” (Guibernau, 2003: 14) While democratic states are able to recognize ethnic diversity within states, totalitarian governments are seeing a threat in ethnic nationalism. Totalitarian states regard ethnic groups as dangerous. This is exactly what happened within Spain during Franco’s regime. Most importantly, the elite and the cultural community of the minority group’s influence is the aspect of ethnic diversity that dictators are afraid of. During the communist era, in Romania, Nikolai Ceausescu’s oppression of the Hungarian cultural leaders and elite was based on his fear. These people had an influence on their community, had a clearly communicated ideology. Similarly, in Spain, Basque and Catalan writers, religious and cultural leaders could have influenced masses to an extent that a second civil war could have broken out. Nationalist discourse was oppressed through state censorship in Spain.

Franco did not only impose state influence on minority groups, but the economy and markets as well. Escosura, Rosés and Sanz-Villarroya (2011: 3) state that the economy stagnated because of the dictatorial approach towards the economy, also the political exile of human capital after the Civil War. The recovery took decades, and significant development in the Spanish economy was only noted in the last period of Franco’s regime: 1959-1975. This change was due to the efforts made by Spain’s international relations politicians to complete the nation’s integration into the European Community. As economic interventionism of the state eased, foreign investors appeared in Spain. The reforms introduced in the foreign exchange market also improved the international position of the country. Therefore, it is evident that the Franco regime did not collapse based on economic dissatisfaction, but on ideological grounds.

Reviewing the international relations of Spain during the regime of Franco, Haruko (2005: 22) states that the reason why the dictator maintained close relationship with the Cuban leader was based on economic, cultural, traditional reasons, as well as the “Galician connection”. He certainly did not share the ideology of Castro. However, he could gain the respect and honour Spain deserved in the international relations. By playing an intermediary role between U.S. and Cuba, the country was able to increase its international influence.

Conclusion

The above review of related literature has brought to surface several important aspects of Franco’s Spain. First of all, it has been concluded that Franco – while using nationalist support – was not a fascist. His dictatorship was based on power and military control, the oppression of dangerous ideologies, ethnic nationalist elite and the unification (homogenization) of the nation. However, he was unable to erase the memory of peripheral ethnic groups’ identities and the culture of Catalonia is stronger than before. The case of totalitarian dictatorial states’ power in Europe is weak; none of them have survived the end of the 20^th Century. In order to increase his international influence and economic opportunities, Franco had to introduce democratic reforms, which – over time – weakened his state. Indeed, after Franco’s regime ended in 1975, the country only took a few years to complete its transformation into a democratic state.

Reference List

Eriksen, T. (2002) Ethnicity and Nationalism: Anthropological Perspectives. Pluto Press.

Escosura, L., Rosés, J., Sanz-Villaroya, I. (2011) Economic Reforms and Growth in Franco’s Spain. Working Papers in Economic History. Madrid.

Guibernau, M. (2003) Nationalism and Intellectuals in Nations without States: the Catalan Case. Barcelona. Institut de Ciències Polítiques i Socials

Haruko, H. (2005) The Franco regime’s contradiction: Its foreign policy toward Cuba. Waseda Global Forum No. 5, 2008, 15?24

Muro, D. (2005) Spanish nationalism. Ethnic or civic? SAGE Publication. Ethnicities Series.

Zependowski, J. (2003) Francisco Franco and the Decline and Fall of Spanish Fascism. The Concord Review.  

Weber, Max. 1895/1994. “The Nations State and Economic Policy” (Freiburg Address)” in: Weber: Political Writings, P. Lassman and R. Speirs (ed. and trans.), Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.