Caste System of Pakistan, Research Paper Example

Introduction

Pakistan has a unique ethnic diversity and as a result different variables such as language, religion, caste, and territory can often instigate violent conflicts among the various ethnicities found in Pakistan. These violent incidences are often sparked because in an effort to implement national integration, no all ethnic identities are equally represented. Consequently, not all ethnic identities have adequate opportunities to express their specific cultural identities, or to make important future decisions for themselves (Majeed, 2002). As a result, this societal imbalance often sparks conflicts between ethnicities. One means to resolve current and potential ethnic conflicts in Pakistan is to distribute economic resources evenly among different ethnic identities, and to design a political system that would be capable of articulating social capital according to an ethnic group’s intellectual level. In other words, the political system should be designed in such a way that it can adequate designate resources to the best interests of various segments of society (p. 55).

Since its independence, Pakistan has been facing an ethnic dilemma. Currently, the state is comprised of four federating units and tribal areas (Roofi & Muhammad, 2011). The vibrancy of some ethnic groups have prompted them to demand separate provinces based on language. However, because of the geographic composition of the country’s provinces, no one group is enjoying complete dominance in any geographically contiguous area (p. 589). In order for that to happen, the state has to redraw provincial boundaries based on ethnic lines. In 2010 the Pakistani Parliament amended the nation’s Constitution of 1973 to rename North West Frontier Province (NWFP) as Khyber-Pakhtoonkhwa. This move sparked a violent ethnic clash between Hazaras (who opposed the name change) and Pashtuns (who are the dominating ethnic group in this specific region) (p. 591). Khyber-Pakhtoonkhwa means “Khyber side of the land of the Pakhtuns” and has been a long-standing demand of the Pashtuns, who predominantly reside in this part of the country (Hasan, 2010). As such, this name change would show favoritism to all Pashtu-speaking Pakistanis. The conflicts, therefore, were sparked by other ethnic groups, such as those who were predominantly Hindko speakers (Roofi & Muhammad, 2011).

This paper will examine the intra provincial complexities associated with the aforementioned change, and other factors that may spark ethnic conflicts. Following this introduction section will be a historical development of ethnic groups in Pakistan and each group’s prominence in the country. Through a historical analysis, this section will emphasize how the particular basis of ethnicity for each group has evolved in Pakistan. The next section of this research paper will examine the ways that Pakistani ethnic group differentiates itself from the larger community through its different demand to the state and the population at large. This section will also present the state’s reaction to the ethnically unique demands of each group. The last part of the paper will offer an analysis of the author’s understanding of each group’s demands accompanied by an breakdown to support or refute each group’s claims.

Historical Development of Ethnic Groups in Pakistan

An ethnic group can be defined in terms of its various attributes, such as religion, caste, language, race, region, and culture (Majeed, 2002). An ethnic group is identified by its shared history, collective name, shared language, or distinctive shared culture. Pakistan is an ethnically diverse country that is comprised of four federating units in addition to Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA) (Roofi & Muhammad, 2011). Different heterogeneous ethnic groups reside in different provinces which they have claimed. However, no single linguistic group enjoys dominance in any specific area and as a result, the Pakistani population is intermingled. The provincial boundaries were established by colonial powers according to each area’s administrative requirements and politico-geographical realities, instead of on each area’s linguistic specifications (p. 590). The emergence of Pakistan further complicated matters as millions of people from neighboring states migrated to Pakistan, changing the demographic structure of all its provinces. Then, in 2010, the NWFP was renamed to Khyber Pakhtoonkhwa and one of the most prolific ethnic riots of modern times was instigated. However, ethnic diversity and the struggle of recognition is not a new issue in Pakistan.

Many historians concur that Pakistan was created on the principles of Islam is therefore guided by the ideological principles of Islam. This has been verified; at least briefly, because based on the ideological principles of Islam, Muslims are united. During Pakistan’s freedom movement, the ultimate objective was to establish a state that would promote and nurture the Islamic ideologies. As a nation, void of ethnic differences, Pakistan set out to achieve this goal. However, soon after partition, this ideal collapsed (Majeed, 2002). This solidified the fact that ethnicity would be a fundamental and complex issue for the state. The state has been engaged in a long struggle to create a national identity out of its diverse linguistic and regional populations. Initially it was thought that ideology would be a suitable means to attain such national unity, however, socio-regional racial and linguistic issue began to surface for regularly, thereby eroding the ideological supremacy. As a result, ethnic identities in Pakistan began to emerge circa 1948 (p. 54). These ethnic identities began to prosper as forces of their own, who disagreed with the majority viewpoint, or government demands.

At the time of Pakistan’s independence, there were five major ethnic groups in the country. Although Urdu was declared as the nation’s official language, each respective ethnic group had its language dominance in its respective regions (Roofi & Muhammad, 2011). For instance, although the official language in Bengal was Urdu, the majority of its residents spoke Bengali. Similarly, the majority of people in Sindh spoke Sindhi, instead of Urdu. In NWFP the majority of people spoke Pashtu although a significant number of the region’s population spoke Hindko. The emerging state, however, developed its ethnic character based on religion and ideology. For instance, Bengali elites labeled West Pakistan as Punjab, which infuriated many Bengalis. In an effort to resolve the conflict, the nation’s first Constituent Assembly declared that the decision was based on the age difference between East and West Pakistan and because the West was older, it earned the right to be named as Punjab (Roofi & Muhammad, 2011). This issue further aggravated East Pakistan and resulted in the separation of East Pakistan. However, despite East Pakistan’s separation, the number of ethnic communities increased. By the early 1980s, to prominent ethnic communities were born: Saraiki and Mohajir (p. 590). The ethnic complexities became even more obscure at this time as the same areas are claimed by more than one ethnic community and as none of the nation’s four provinces has a uniform population.

Ethnic Groups in Pakistan and their Individual Demands

After Pakistan’s partition, provincial parties began to actively place demands on the state’s political system. The most prominent parties at the time were Sindh Mutthida Mahaz, Jeay Sindh, Baloch Verna, Pakhtun Zalmry and the National Awami Party (Majeed, 2002). The central ruling party between 1958 and 1969 placed intentional unreasonable demands of the Pakistani government, which resulted in a distinct separation between West and East Pakistan. In fact, these demands eventually resulted in an under-developed East Pakistan. The Bengalis, predominantly residing in East Pakistan, were unable to successfully participate in the administrative, military, and political endeavors of Pakistan due to various pretexts from West Pakistani elites. In fact, during this timeframe, 24 West Pakistani families controlled an estimated 75 percent of Pakistan’s industries assets, 70 percent of all the state’s insurance companies, and 80 percent of the nation’s banking (Majeed, 2002). Consequently, ethnic biases became increasingly more regular. By 1971 East Pakistan became the independent state of Bangladesh. Other leaders also became more vocal against the ruling authority and this fostered regionalism, specifically in Sindh. Sindh is located in Karachi, which is the nation’s largest city, hosts the largest seaport, and is Pakistan’s main financial center (Mushtaq, 2009). This region attracted the majority of Pakistan’s Urdu speaking people, who became instrumental in the region’s economic development. However, in revitalizing Karachi’s economy, the Urdu speaking population began to displace the local elite, thereby cultivating pro-Sindh beliefs among the locals. The result of this was that local Sindhis began to foster ill feelings toward the Urdu speaking population (Mushtaq, 2009).

It therefore became evident that the ruling party was unable to implement a system that could represent and sustain each ethnic identity in a positive manner. Fewer economic resources and uneven distributions of those resources made it impossible to initiate political socialization and to institutionalize the masses (Majeed, 2002). Furthermore, political leaders who assumed prime leadership roles after the death of Pakistani Prime Minister Khan Liaquat Ali Khan were weak and could not successfully develop a political system that represented each ethnic identity equally. In fact, these leaders were more successful in exploiting the religious differences between ethnic groups than in unifying them. For instance, political leaders used their military powers to manipulate the identities of different ethnic groups, such as the Sunni and the Shia. Although both groups base their religious beliefs on the fundamentals of Islam, each perform different rituals differently. Through the exploitation by the political leaders neither group has the option of nationwide acceptance, therefore ethnic hostility prevails. Experts have agreed that for as long as political leaders regulate the lives of people to promote recruitment, specifically on the basis of religion, the more the religious minorities will resist and the more conflicts will prosper. In fact, as the result of the exploitation of Shia and Sunni sects, the two have been in conflict with one another for years (Majeed, 2002). The conflict infiltrates even deeper. Not only do differences between two major derivatives of Islam result in conflict, but differences between smaller subgroups of both Shia and Sunni sects also result in conflict. The result is that all ethnically diverse groups deem themselves superior to the others and will fight incessantly to maintain their beliefs. For instance, stark differences between the Sunni subgroups of Deobandi and Brelavi have sparked civil disturbances. Neither subgroup wants to perform their religious practices under the same imam nor have efforts to unite them been successful (Mushtaq, 2009). Each religious group’s differences were exploited by leaders such as General Zia-ul-Haq. Through exploitation each group initiated violent rebuttals which resulted in a polarization of the Pakistan nation.

Author’s Thoughts

The conflicts that exist in Pakistan as the result of ethnic diversity are plentiful. First, it is a difficult task to identify one prevailing issue and to suggest that the resolution of that issue would resolve all other ethnic conflicts. However, it is also historically accurate to identify religion as the instigator of most conflicts. Pakistan was created on the fundamental principles of Islam. As mentioned before, the entire Pakistani population fought in the name of Islam in its battle to gain independence. However, soon after, various ethnic groups began to sprout across the state. Initially, the ethnic differences were localized to language or regional differences, but soon became more complex. Many leaders attempted to implement policies (which mostly served their own subjective needs) based on religious demands. Those who did not agree with the suggested policies based their disagreements on their own religious beliefs; or on their interpretation of the nation’s Islamic fundamentals. Thus developed smaller sects of the same religion, most notably Shia and Sunni sects. For some that was not enough and even smaller subgroups developed, citing minor differences as ritual practices as the bases for their dissimilarities. It is clear that the Pakistani population is very passionate about their beliefs and that no one ethnic group will surrender their beliefs in the name of unified harmony. The conclusion I can come to is that the nation will remain divided for as long as political leaders base their decisions and policies on their own personal beliefs. Doing so fosters a political climate that verges on dictatorship and frenzy. Separating church and state may be the best possible solution for a nation that will implode as the result of civil wars and injustices. I believe that Pakistan would benefit from a leader that will implement policies that are designed to benefit the nation at large, instead of one group whom that leader can identify with. Let each citizen pray to his or her god in whatever manner suits them best, in whatever language they speak, and in whatever region they live, but implement policies that will ensure that each of those citizens have food on their table, has a home to sleep in, and a job that could develop their unique, innovative, and creative skills.

References

Hasan, S. S. (2010, April 13). Protests erupt over Pakistan NWFP name change. Retrieved from bbc.co.uk: http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/south_asia/8617719.stm

Majeed, G. (2002). Ethnicity and Ethnic Conflict in Pakistan. Journal of Political Studies, 1(2), 51-63.

Mushtaq, M. (2009). Managing Ethnic Diversity and Federalism in Pakistan. European Journal of Scientific Research, 33(2), 279-294.

Roofi, Y., & Muhammad, A. (2011). Renaming of NWFP and Hazara Ethnicity, A New Course of Ethnic Conflict in Pakistan. European Journal of Social Sciences, 19(4), 588-593.