Cooperation Between Canada and Cuba in the Field of Humanitarian Help Towards Building Social/Civil Society, Research Paper Example

Introduction

In the recent years, the issue of humanitarian cooperation became a controversial phenomenon of international relations. The question is not whether to help most vulnerable or not, but rather where those efforts of humanitarian help go to and what might be the implications for the future of those countries. In this context is meant not occasional humanitarian help under conditions of natural disasters and sporadic donations in the field of humanitarian assistance. The implications of the long-term, constant humanitarian cooperation are of the main interest for scholars.  The main issues of concern usually are how independent and self-reliable beneficiary state would be in the future, does humanitarian cooperation assists democracy building in those countries, does it help to improve life of ordinary people or only multiplies bureaucracy and feeds corruption. Since Canada favors special relations with Cuba and conducts active humanitarian cooperation with Cuban government it is crucial to understand what is the main target of this cooperation and how it effects the local population. Thus, the central thesis of the offered research is to analyze how effective is Canadian approach to humanitarian cooperation with Cuba in the framework of civil society building. Thus, the purpose of research is to explore the current situation with civil society in Cuba and how Canadian humanitarian assistance approach contributes to the improvement of the situation or its deterioration. In a wider perspective the argument of this research is how democratic Canada can cooperate with totalitarian Cuban government towards building of civil society, which is the next step to democracy.

Methodology of the offered research consists of sociological, functional and comparative approaches which in their turn give an opportunity to investigate civil society in the framework of social, political and economic factors, to investigate the dependence between political regime of Castro and the level of civil society development, and the last approach gives an opportunity to compare America and Canadian approaches and evaluate projects conducted by Canada in Cuba.

The offered research consists of 3 parts. The first one is devoted to the theoretical framework of the research and description of civil society condition in Cuba. In the second chapter, comparative analysis of American and Canadian approaches to Cuban civil society building is represented. The third chapter is devoted to evaluation of the actual projects of Canada-Cuban cooperation in the humanitarian field.

The Civil Society in Cuba

Definition of Civil Society

The first chapter of the research is devoted to the issues of the civil society in Cuba. The main aim of the investigation in this part is to find out what is the recent situation with the civic society in Cuba, does it exist, or is entirely absent, is it in the process of development or degradation. In this context, theoretical approaches of various scholars would be analyzed on the ground of practical situation in the country.

First of all, it is essential to specify what is meant by civil or social society in this research. Civil society has various definitions and approaches for its study. Overall it can be summarized as “the realm of voluntary human association and can be loosely defined as an intermediate area of political activity and social relations, not occupied by state” (Sixto, 243). This definition gives only general idea of what civil society is and where it is situated between branches of power. On the other hand, for the exploration of civil society in Cuba, more practical and case-oriented definition would be of an immense value. Such definition is given by Dilla and Oxhorn:

“the social fabric formed by a multiplicity of self-constituted territorially and functionally-based units which peacefully coexist and collectively resist subordination to the state, at the same time that they demand inclusion into national political structures”. (Dilla and Oxhorn, 11)

This definition is more suitable for the research because it concentrates on political and resistance of social units against the existing situation in Cuba due to the Castro regime. Such definition gives an opportunity to emphasize transitional nature of civil society in Cuba and the main targets that should be reached in the framework of its development. Because of various approaches to the definition and evaluation of civil society in Cuba, it was concluded to be nonexistent, transitional or being of a specific model, meaning Cuban civil society. In this research, civil society in Cuba is evaluated from the perspective of general comprehension of civil society as a next step to democracy, which includes social well-being, legal justice, protection of human rights and freedoms.

The Situation of Civil Society in Cuba

Current civil society situation in Cuba is inevitably connected to the existing regime, its political, economic and social policies. The current social situation in Cuba can be characterized in two ways – official and local. Official situation with the building of civil society might be evaluated as successful. According to the governmental statement there are various nongovernmental organizations and semi-official institutions that are responsible for the advising of the state leaders in civil society matters and well-being of Cuban nation (Gonzalez, and McCarthy, 81). From one point of view, it may seem that the existence of various institutions in the field of civil society both governmental and nongovernmental would contribute to the dialogue between various social groups, but the reality is a bit more complicated. Organizations which are “named” nongovernmental and are recognized by state as legal are, in fact, partly-governmental due to control and patronage conducted by authorities over them. Some organizations conduct state governmental activity together with social services like CDR, were still considered being NGOs and civil society organizations. Programmes of those “NGOs”, in other words, common organizations are continuously revised by local authorities, and their meetings are monitored by police (Gray, and Kapcia, 34). Among those organizations are “Central de Trabajadroes de Cuba” (CTC), which represents labor force through the trade unions in its structure, “Comites de Defensa de la Revolucion” (CDRs), which is responsible for security and surveillance in all territory of the state and had recently taken responsibility for social activities in the local neighborhoods, ANAP as an organization representing farmers’ interests and FMC expressing women rights (Reaud, 239).

NGOs in the true meaning of the word do exist in Cuba, but their activity is monitored by the Ministry of Justice. In order to become legal, NGO should register, have foreign sponsor institution and agree that it can be dissolved at any point by mentioned above ministry. In 2002, the number of such organizations was 2,154 (Rausch, 90).  Irrespective of the existence of numerous officially recognized civil NGO’s and common governmental organizations which imitate the  existence of constructive dialogue between government and people, the real situation is far from nominally satisfactory.

Building of the civil society needs a systematic approach, one cannot speak of freedom of speech when there is nothing to eat and wear, when there are no jobs or social facilities or when ordinary pensions are not paid to elderly people.  Economic situation in Cuba is far from satisfying Cubans with sustainable development and normal living conditions. The legacy of post-revolutionary 50 years includes low-qualified labor force; uncontrolled unemployment, particularly in the rural regions; socioeconomic stratification of the society due to the double currency (access to the hard currency is extremely limited to the economically developed areas close to Havana, while Cuban pesos, that are almost entirely devaluated, are left for poor areas of the country) (Pumar, 162). It also includes all around corruption, misshapen private sector and degraded industry with outdated equipment. Such economic devastation results in social disruption. The most vulnerable groups of Cuban society become young people and Afro-Cubans. Those groups are also most likely to be engaged in civic movement (Pumar, 165).

Cuban Youth

Economic situation in the country and political regime in general resulted in overwhelming alienation of Cuban youth. Although the small percentage of young people from advantageous districts has an opportunity to gain education in Cuban universities an even abroad, most of the young population does not continue education or has none of it (Gonzalez, and McCarthy, 41). Alienation of the “marginalized” youth is quite understandable, since it is conditioned by early school-dropping, jobless youngsters, who contribute one third to total unemployment in the country, drug and alcohol abuse, crimes and prostitution. On the other hand, more advantageous   young individuals are also characterized by apathy which is often expressed in aggressive rock songs, internet blogging about frustration of life in Cuba, prevarication of agriculture works, social duties, neighborhood meetings etc (Gray, and Kapcia, 48). In other words, young Cubans are escaping frustrating reality of Castro regime in any possible way except for changing it through the active social activity and creation of independent youth movement (Reaud, 237). The only source of civic activity among youth is possible in the ranks of students. Educated young individuals are the only possible driving force for changes and development of civic and in the future democratic society in Cuba (Rausch, 75).  This statement is proved by demonstrations against poor living conditions and violation of human rights conducted by students from the University of Santiago in 2007.

Afro-Cubans

Another marginalized group of Cuban society is Afro-Cubans. Half of the Cuban population is of black and mixed races. This group of society is located mainly in the poorest regions of Cuba – central and eastern districts. The main challenge for this group is racial segregation in every aspect of life. Because of double-standards, Afro-Cubans are rarely given an opportunity to gain decent job in the wealthier districts of the country in such sector as tourism.  Under completely innocent term “good appearance” belonging to the white race is meant (Dilla, and Oxhorn, 18). On the governmental level, segregation was the most vividly shown when Afro-Cubans who immigrated to Havana in search for the jobs, were forcefully returned to their locations in the poor parts of the country. Authorities commented this event as a preemptive measure to avoid racial tensions and disorder (Gray, and Kapcia, 59).

Characteristic feature of Afro-Cubans, as a social group, is that it is an active participant of Cuban civic movement. It actively cooperates with human rights and other civic NGO’s which are truly non-governmental, and, subsequently, are not recognized by Cuban government. The strategy of Afro-Cubans civic activity is beyond protection of one race’s political and social rights; instead, it calls for constitutional and practical protection of all Cuban citizens from violations like “the terrible living conditions in poor neighborhoods, the evictions of destitute residents, the police harassment and beatings of innocent citizens, and the imprisonment and  torture of political  dissidents” (Gershman, 47).

Actors of Influence on Civil Society in Cuba

In his examination of Cuban civil society, Reaud had developed sectored approach to explore agents of influence on the civil society building in Cuba. According to his approach, civil society development depends on various internal and external factors/agents of influence. He distinguishes 3 sectors of influence – national, international and hybrid (Reaud, 237).  Reaud also evaluates the efficiency of factors and their possible future contribution to the development of civic society in Cuba. The most inefficient and redundant factor is national which consist of both common/state organizations and state-controlled NGOs.  The first type of organizations has little contribution to the civil society building because it follows Communist Party ideology and cannot step aside from the main postulates of Castro regime, although it had added new social services to their functions. Cuban NGO’s favored relative independence mainly because they were a source of foreign financial and humanitarian aid, but their contribution to the substantial changes in civil society were limited by the Ministry of Justice and all around corruption (Reaud, 239).

International sector of influence is represented by transnational advocacy networks which act as pressure on the international community as power actors to influence Cuban regime and civil society building (Reaud, 237). In case of Cuba, those international organizations deal with human rights violations and political freedoms, meaning Human Rights Watch, Amnesty International and Freedom House. According to Reaud, those actors’ shame and pressure tactics might be influential on the situation in the framework of foreign aid and investments, which are essential for the Cuban government (239). On the other hand, such efforts would rather deteriorate the situation of ordinary people rather than change the attitude of Cuban government to this issue.

The most influential might be the hybrid sector, which consists of dissident and opposition groups and church. Although Reuad considers that their influence is limited by the governmental prohibition of their activity and results in their subsequent underground nature, the number of organized public actions and constant increasing of such groups show that they are supported by Cuban population. Those actors of influence represent all groups of society: journalists (Society of Journalists Manuel Marquez Sterling), intelligence (scholars, poets, writers gathered in university communities), protest groups like Cuban Democratic Directorate and Ladies in White, struggling for the political reforms and release of dissident prisoners (Gershman, and Gutierrez, 43). The reason why efficiency of those organizations is doubtful is that they have little opportunity to conduct reforms from the up, meaning ruling party. On the other hand, their target audience is people and the international community rather than totalitarian government, which could not change in 50 years, not to speak of one decade. Although actual power of the Church is limited and strictly controlled by state, about 70% of Cuban population believes in higher force (CAFC, 35). This factor might become an asset for the future building of civil society.

Overall, it becomes clear that civil society in Cuba is in the process of formation. There is no systematic direction for development, nor substantial governmental strategy, other actors, except for state-related, have no legal authorization even to speak except for demonstrations that end with arrests and police violence. Under those conditions, international cooperation with Cuba becomes a complicated issue even if it refers to humanitarian field.

Comparison of American and Canadian Approaches to the Building of Civil Society in Cuba

From the issues described in the first chapter of the research, it becomes clear that the situation with building civil society in Cuba is quite complicated and difficult to be improved within years if not decades. Attitude of foreign states to the situation in the country varied greatly from entirely ignorant, condemnation or useless charity which ended up in the wrong hands. Some countries would deal as shadow participants, acting through Cuban dissident movement providing it with equipment, funds and international media coverage. Other states would act in the framework of UN aid programmes, thus remain in terms of US embargo. Because of Canadian special relations with Cuba and a systematic approach to the foreign policy, Canada had chosen its own way of cooperation unlike any of the above mentioned.

American Approach

As in most aspects of its foreign policy, Canada had chosen the way completely opposite to American approach. It concerns not only general relations with Cuba, but also the way two countries support civil society development in it. Although both Canada and USA understand the necessity of social sphere improvement in Cuba and that in ideal perspective embargo does not aim to harm Cuban people, the reality is entirely opposite, and while Canada tries to improve the situation in any possible way, USA is concentrates on blaming Castro regime and argues for straitening economic embargo (Dominguez, 5).

US approach to the improvement of civil society in Cuba may be characterized as an element of fighting the existing regime, making regime’s overthrow its final aim.  In this context, civil society building is seen entirely as a next step to the development of democracy in Cuba. Socialism or any alternative regime is considered to be useless and unacceptable. American concept of civil society building and democracy support in foreign countries was depicted in the famous President Bush’s speech on the topic:

“It is the policy of the United States to seek and support the growth of democratic movements and institutions in every nation and culture. … Democratic reformers facing repression, prison, or exile can know: America sees you for who you are: the future leaders of your free county.” (Bush, 2005)

On the basis of this concept, US went to Iraq and Afghanistan. In case of Cuba, assistance was more moderate and less pompous, but the idea of empowering local population remained the same. The essence of current US policy concerning Cuba is empowering of civil society through the information dissemination.  The main mediator between US government and Cuban people is Commission for Assistance to a Free Cuba (CAFC, 54) which consists of US high official. The main activities of this institution towards “building new Cuba” include propaganda of democracy, human rights, market economics through the publication and dissemination of books and media among Cuban citizens. It also contributes to humanitarian assistance to the victims of political repressions in Cuba, cooperation with dissident and human rights groups in Cuba, providing them with equipment, financial support and even professional training (Sixto, 246).   In 2006, the second report of CAFC to the US Congress concluded narrated that, for the 2-year period, Cuban civil society groups gained American assistance in the amount of $ 29 million (CAFC, 31).

Another direction of CAFC activity is provision of information access for the Cuban people. In this framework, U.S. supports broadcasting of TV Marti and Radio Marti, which were created and sponsored by US government already in 1989-90s (CAFC, 61). The main objectives of those media are to protect Cubans’ right for the free access to information of international contents irrespective of the borders and governmental restrictions; to provide transparent communication of the Cuban people with the rest of the world; to be a source of objective, relevant and trustworthy information, world and local news; to promote freedom movement in Cuba through the availability of trustworthy information about events in the country (CAFC, 65).

In general, American approach to the civil society building targets hybrid sector of influence towards target topic. Since US politically denied Cuban authorities and their right for foreign relations conduct, no systematic cooperation and official assistance are possible. Therefore, US put main stress on cooperation with dissident and human rights groups inside Cuba, which are in opposition to the government. The main fields in which American assistance sees benefits for the civil society development are information and political (Dominguez, 10). Thus, Cuban people are encouraged to become more aware of the situation in their country and the world and more politically active in their fight against the ruling regime of Castro. Although in general the approach might be effective in the long-term perspective, it has very little influence on the improvement of the situation of the local population. Watching TV and listening to the Radio will not change poverty or explain how economy or political management should be conducted. Overall, American approach to the issue might be characterized as one-sided and politically oriented on the struggle against existing regime, rather than improvement of civil society in Cuba as a complex phenomenon involving substantial social assistance or, at least, cancellation of economic embargo. In addition, American approach can be characterized as “less action, more talk”, even from the financial perspective the amount donated to local civil society groups is ridiculously small.

Canadian Approach

Unlike American approach, Canadian view on the situation is systematic, involves collective affords and prefers official transparent cooperation with government rather than dissident movement. The essence of Canadian view on the humanitarian assistance and its scope was depicted in Prime-Minister S.Harper’s speech in UN on 21^st September 2010:

“Most important, we have established clear priorities for aid.  We are focussing on three priorities: food security, children and youth, and economic development, so that we can ensure our aid dollars are used more efficiently.  In turn, that means a more focussed and effective effort in reaching the Millennium Development Goals.”(Harper).

Canadian approach to the humanitarian help is not limited by one specific field of assistance be if the food supply, potable water, economic security or infrastructure development. Humanitarian aid is seen as a unity of projects in various fields of cooperation with local governments leading to the substantial improvement of country’s development. Therefore, Canada does not aim to conduct one-time relief actions or give charity donations in order to keep its consciousness clear and commitments before the international community fulfilled. It aims to make a substantial contribution to the overall development of the target country. Therefore, projects offered to the country are oriented on the long-term perspective rather than one-time relief (Minear, 65).

Characteristic feature of Canadian humanitarian and developmental aids is that the main target of all projects is their maximum efficiency. In the case of Cuba, under conditions of political corruption and totalitarian regime, the most obvious ally in support of civil society building would be dissident and human rights groups who are in opposition to the government. Although such approach would be rational from the democracy building point of view, its efficiency for the improvement of population’s living and structural changes of Cuban society would be very poor. First of all, government would condemn support to the opposition and only strengthen control and pressure on the local population (Gibson, 32). Thus, building of civil society with the means of the opposition would be quite inefficient under conditions of Cuban reality. Instead, Canadian approach foresees cooperation of various actors on different levels towards delivery of certain projects.  The main challenge in this context is finding consensus between government, local semi-independent NGOs and oppressed population. In this context, projects are territory-oriented, adding certain options depending or requirements of the area (Gibson, 35).

Probably the most serious challenge for the Canadian humanitarian help to Cuba and one of the reasons why Americans do not believe in efficiency of the humanitarian help in Cuba, is the high level of political corruption in the country. Therefore, it becomes unclear whether funds devoted to the development of a certain area or children education were delivered to the final beneficiary or rest in the hands of authorities (Minear, 82). In respect to this, Canada conducts big aid projects in partnership with international organizations, like UN, countries, like G8. Smaller projects with budget limits not exceeding $1 million, are usually conducted by Canada alone. The main feature of those projects is that they are territory-oriented, well-planned and gradual in development; no transcendental targets like development of democracy overnight are established (Gibson, 59). Gradual sectored improvement of the situation for the population is the main target.

Overall, American and Canadian approaches to the building of civil society in Cuba are entirely different. While the main subject of American policy was regime of Castro and enlightenment of Cuban population was seen mainly as means of its overthrowing, Canada’s main subject was Cuban and the improvement of their living conditions. Time frame for the American assistance and results evaluation is a short-term perspective, while Canadian projects aim for the long-term benefits for the development of Cuban society and country in general. While Washington prefers to deal with the dissident civic movement, which results in even bigger tensions inside the country, Toronto cooperates with the government and involves various actors of Cuban society, thus helping to develop communication between various interest groups and make projects delivery more efficient. The means of assistance delivery also vary greatly. While US prefers to use its own created institution of CAFC, Canada involves international community and UN as partners, securing transparency and additional monitoring of projects efficiency. While US considers Cuba and development of civil society in it as a benefit for its foreign policy, Canadian approach is that “nations must act together for the good of all” (Harper). While US activity in Cuba can be identified as assistance, Canadian actions are in the full meaning cooperation.

Practical Projects Conducted in Cuba

Since Canada is conducting its assistance in close cooperation with Cuban government, majority of mutual projects are conducted in the framework of priority fields chosen by Cuban government. Among target areas of cooperation, distinguished by Cuban National Assembly, are “increasing agricultural productivity, improving government efficiency, and strengthening financial planning, management and controls.”  (CIDA).  In the framework of those priorities, CIDA’s programme is aimed at increasing economic growth and food security through the improvement of governance transparency and accountability and satisfaction of poor provinces with essentials (CIDA). Characteristic feature of Canadian strategy is that, while most of bilateral programmes, which do not involve third parties, are conducted in terms of Cuba priorities, substantial projects under the patronage of UN or G8 are devoted to other sphere like civil society and sustainable development initiatives. In order to balance overall aid into the country bilateral projects are almost entirely devoted to the priority field, but also cover additional spheres (Gibson, 113). Thus, overall project remains in terms suitable for the Cuban government but also contributes to the development of civil society in the country. Therefore, Canadian projects in Cuba can be divided into three categories: economic and government reconstruction, food security and assistance to poor rural districts, and UN projects.

Economic and Government Reconstruction

The main emphasis in the projects of this kind is placed on training programmes for managers, development of new economic and political infrastructure, presentation of know-how, new economic equipments, techniques of efficient work, etc. Among those projects were Modernization of the State Fund (2005-2012), National Industrial Certification Centre (CNCI) Capacity Development (2004-2010), Strengthening Audit and Control Capacity (2006-2010) (CIDA).

The project of Modernization of the State fund like most of Canadian projects covers not only one sector like public policy and administrative management but includes also private and environmental sectors’ development through the improvement of administrative management in agriculture, industrial and environmental policies (Gibson, 63). The main aim of the fund is “to improve efficiency, effectiveness and accountability of key state entities, and exchange know-how and develop capabilities in areas of state modernization” (CIDA).  Except for obvious target groups of economic and political actors, additional benefits are foreseen for women who suffer gender inequality in the working place.

Strictly sectored project concerning economy is represented by project in Development of the Forestry Sector (2008-2013). 60% of the estimated budget of $3,180,000 is devoted to improvement of administrative management of forestry policy, and 40% to the development of forestry as an industry. The essence of this project is in Canada’s assistance to Cuba’s National Department of Forestry in implementing National Forestry Strategy (2005-2015) through the preservation of forests together with their use in Cuban economy. Accordance of equipment gives an opportunity to make work more efficient, and creation of new working places will give an opportunity to decrease unemployment in among the rural population (CIDA).

Food Security and Assistance to Rural Districts

Those projects, unlike the first group, contribute to the development of civil society in Cuba, not through the indirect activities, but through the well-being and improvement in life quality of the local population. While substantial reformation of agriculture is developed in the first group of projects, in this category attention is paid to education, health care and poverty reduction in rural areas.  Among those projects are Canada Fund for Local Initiatives – Cuba 2009/2010, Integrated Coastal Zone Management Capacity-Building in Southeast Cuba (2010-2014) and Health Sector Multi-Year Program (2003-2010) (CIDA). While most of the projects are financing numerous activities and transformations in society, which affect poverty reduction and civil society improvement only by implication, Fund for Local Initiatives concentrated on small local initiatives which would assist the local population through direct social, economic technical help, thus contributing to the overall  reduction of poverty (CIDA).

The project in Integrated Coastal Zone Management Capacity-Building in Southeast Cuba (2010-2014) is of particular interest because it contributes both to the improvement of education, environmental awareness among the young population and improves municipal environmental practices. Project is held in partnership with Canadian Dalhousie University. The main target is to improve life quality of the population in the coastal zone of south-east Cuba, deliver gender-equal training and education in the rural areas and develop efficient environmental management on the local level (Minear, 34). The civic society perspective of this project is in its educative and practical character, involvement of various social groups, and establishment of gender equality.

Health Sector Multi-Year Programme (2003-2010) is of particular importance for the civil society building since it aimed to conduct radical reconstruction of the health care in Cuba, thus improving national health, life expectancy and life span. Half of the total budget of $2,035,268 was devoted to building of basic health infrastructure, 40% to control of infectious diseases, health policy and medical  research were given 5% each (CIDA). Except for exchange of specialists and know-how, project contributed to the scarce Cuban supply of medical goods, like medicine, medical equipment, vaccines. Overall, this project aimed to improve health care services in Cuba and improve well-being of Cuban nation.

UN-Led Projects

Except for bilateral cooperation with Cuban government, Canada is an active contributor to the UN projects in this country. Characteristic feature of the UN projects in Cuba is their wide developmental orientation. The Local Human Development Programme in the framework of United Nations Development Program (UNDP) is probably the greatest project running in Cuba in the recent decade. Target fields of the programme are democratic participation and civil society (20%), sanitation and water supply improvement (20%), agriculture sector and rural areas development (40%), renewable energy power generation (20%) (CIDA). Grandness of the project does not mean that its target is vague. The target locations were 5 eastern provinces Las Tunas, Granma, Santiago de Cuba, Holguin and Guantanamo. Except for financial participation in the project, CIDA had reserved for Canadian organizations the right to plan developmental projects together with the local population and Cuban authorities (Gibson, 86).

Overall, Canadian humanitarian cooperation with Cuba on the bilateral level and in the framework of UN initiatives can be called systematic and well-evaluated. CIDA does not merely concentrate on Cuban government’s priority areas; it takes them into account in the bilateral cooperation but goes beyond it always putting first interest of the local population rather than authorities’ ambitions.  Another feature of CIDA activity is that projects, in which it is involved, are not doubling. When one sector is covered with UN Development programme for Cuba, another one by Cuban government or other foreign donors, CIDA develops new project in the sector which is left behind by both, which was the case with Coastal Zone Management Capacity-Building in Southeast Cuba (Gibson, 71).

The efficiency of projects might be arguable and, in fact, should be. It might be criticized that not all funds are getting to the destination, or that projects cover only certain districts while others remain left out. It can be also argued that, after projects conclusion, all results will be deteriorate with time (Gonzalez, and McCarthy, 142). All those critics are just, but the nature of humanitarian aid and cooperation towards building of civil society is in its constant character. Civil society and sustainable living cannot be achieved overnight; they need constant contribution of sources, strict control and public commitment of one state to another and the international community, particularly in the state with such complicated political regime as Cuba. Unlike US, Canada conducts all possible effort to involve various groups of Cuban society into the dialogue in order to built civil society, and may be some day even democracy.

Conclusions

Overall, Canada-Cuban humanitarian cooperation towards building of civil society in Cuba might be considered successful irrespective of the fact that there is no systematic approach for social development, and only legally recognized actors are those initiated or controlled by the government. Unlike American approach to the issue, Canadian strategy does seek for an ideal situation for the situation improvement; it seeks compromises under current conditions and uses all available methods to promote dialogue between various actors in civil society building, in Cuba. Canadian approach is also more systematic and multidimensional than American; the main target of policy is population of Cuba and not overthrow of Castro regime.  Although practical implementation of Canadian projects on bilateral and through UN programmes is often complicated due to the realities of the totalitarian regime, like corruption, bureaucracy and violation of human rights, CIDA manages to deliver projects covering various aspects of civil society building in Cuba. Canada-Cuban humanitarian cooperation and its contribution to the civil society building cannot be seen completely successful or that it does crucial changes in Cuban society exhausted by 50 years of revolutionary ideals. It can be seen as an attempt of Canadian government to make a change, not to leave Cuban people on their own. It is much easier to say that Cuba needs different government, but what is indeed difficult to make some changes under the current one.  Canadian example shows that in order to succeed only desire is needed even if it refers to the foreign policy. The future perspective of Canada-Cuban cooperation towards building of civil society might enter into dimension of a systematic cooperation which will be possible if Cuban government develops a systematic state strategy in the field of civil society and not only economic and political priorities’ plans which contribute to it by implication.

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