Health Care Beliefs in the Somali Culture, Research Paper Example

Strange New World: Somali Health Care

Somalia has experienced great turbulence as a result of sociological and political conditions. Living in a contentious country, its inhabitants often feel that health care is inaccessible or against their best interests. Many Somali refugees have fled to Kenya, the Netherlands, or even as far as the U.S. and found the health care system to be likewise foreign to them (Heger Boyle & Ali, 2010). During the course of this paper, the background of Somalia, the health beliefs of Somali inhabitants and American habitants, and potential and recommended interventions will be discussed.

Background

In the late 1980’s, Somalia became an experimental playground for the detached researcher and politician. The result was a bloody civil war which illustrated the fundamental differences which ethnicity and economic status pose in any society (Webersik, 2004). Especially in Somalia, cultural ties are still very much alive. The rebel forces encountered the hierarchical aspects of culture during their revolt when expert tacticians were required by custom to submit to the ruling of the nobles (Laitin & Weingast, 2006). Health care systems in Somalia regularly encounter cases of murder, rape, and female genital mutilation- the bloody heritage of Somali custom.

Health Beliefs

According to Wallin and Ahlström, beliefs about health are influenced by people, family units, prevalent culture, and social class (2010). In Somalia, the patient’s sex also has a great impact upon these beliefs (Finnström & Söderhamm, 2006).

Somali

Patients in Somalia commonly exhibit symptoms of chronic disorders in response to stress and turmoil. Examples include post-traumatic stress disorder, depression, anxiety, and high blood pressure, and about half of the Somali refugees and asylum-seekers suffer from a combination of two or more of these conditions (Gerritsen et al., 2006). In Somalia, even the diagnosis of a commonplace disorder, such as diabetes, is a cause for dismay and may cause disbelief, or avoidance (Wallin & Ahlström, 2010). Furthermore, issues of land ownership and usage have contributed to periodic food shortages, and Somali minorities, such as the Bantu people, were not afforded the same economic opportunities and frequently struggled with health challenges related to the food supply, such as starvation, malnutrition, susceptibility to diphtheria, etc (Webersik, 2004). Ninety-eight percent of Somalia residents are described as Somalis, leaving the minority groups outnumbered to an extent which is uncommon in any country (Bhui et al., 2006).

America

In America, it is often assumed that health care is a foregone conclusion, yet millions of working adults and impoverished children are underinsured or not insured at all. Sweden, which harbors a large portion of Somali refugees, exhibits similar health care to the UK and the US, and continues to counsel Somali refugees that adverse health is not a karmic punishment, as the superstitious inhabitants commonly believe (Wallin and Ahlström, 2010). Whereas inactivity is typically the source of obesity and diabetes in America, it is often forgotten that other countries do not have access to the same health or sex education (McEwen, Straus, & Croker, 2009).

Interventions

In 2006, when Leather et al. published their journal article Working together to rebuild health care in post-conflict Somaliland, many Somali refugees had returned to the home land, and the nation began to look toward health provisions for the country’s reconstruction. Health care in Somalia continues to be predominantly privatized, owned by individual investing companies which are self-funded and self-regulated. Somali citizens today prefer a mix of government, private, and industrial ownership, believing that a diversity of groups in power will discourage future civil wars (Webersik, 2006).

British hospitals have already sent national ambassadors of health care. The King’s College Hospital employees in Somalia oversaw the Edna Adan Hospital’s first C-section and aided in supervising, training staff, and implementing care protocols (Leather et al., 2006). In addition, modern Somalia is rife with hepatitis, tuberculosis, malaria, and a variety of gynecological difficulties. The United Kingdom has also given several grants to the King’s College outreach group and to the Tropical Health and Education Trust, which was endorsed by the UK and was partially funded by private health care groups in Somalia (ibid.). Thus, the first step in moving forward is to analyze current health care and demonstrate better practice. This requires government cooperation, volunteer and professional recruitment, and international funding.

While the physical health of Somali inhabitants is the first concern, the need for counseling and health education are likewise important to the country’s recovery. Sadly, much of the damage of the Somali Civil War era is permanent. However, much can still be done to ease the mental pain of survivors and to promote a positive restructuring of refugees planning to return to Somalia. After all, “personal and societal upheavals go hand in hand” (Heger Boyle & Ali, 2009, p. 47).  The range of typical stress-inducing events in Somalia is different from those faced in most countries. In a study of more than 300 refugees and asylum-seekers, stressors included forced separation, unnatural death(s), rocket attacks, and long-term hiding (Geritsen et al., 2006).

Somali men do not commonly express an acquaintance with contraceptives, and Somali women are not educated about sex, childbirth, or breastfeeding. In addition, the occasional scarcity of food has created a dietary way of life for marginalized groups in Somalia. Namely, Somali refugees in the UK and Australia have faced obesity and diabetes because they do not differentiate between the health benefits of particular foods; they just eat whatever they can (McEwen, Straus, & Croker, 2009).

Conclusion

Webersik (2006) implies that- without a central government to regulate the trade economy- Somalia is likely to return to its former lawlessness, possibly within the current generation’s lifetime. In addition, the involvement of outside investors presents a unique opportunity for international influence and regulation under circumstances which are acceptable to the Somali government (Leather et al., 2006). These influences also create an expectation of a universal approach to health care and lessen the ingrained distrust which Somali inhabitants have toward government organizations and toward professionals subject to their control. This is the intervention—it’s happening now, demonstrating better practice and financial support for every citizen- regardless of their social status.

References

Bhui, K., Craig, T., Mohamud, S., Warfa, N., Stansfeld, S. A., Thornicroft, G., & … McCrone, P. (2006). Mental disorders among Somali refugees. Social Psychiatry & Psychiatric Epidemiology, 41(5), 400-408. doi:10.1007/s00127-006-0043-5

Finnström, B., & Söderhamn, O. (2006). Conceptions of pain among Somali women. Journal of Advanced Nursing, 54(4), 418-425. doi:10.1111/j.1365-2648.2006.03838.x.

Gerritsen, A., Bramsen, I., Devillé, W., Willigen, L., Hovens, J., & Ploeg, H. (2006). Physical and mental health of Afghan, Iranian and Somali asylum seekers and refugees living in the Netherlands. Social Psychiatry & Psychiatric Epidemiology, 41(1), 18-26. doi:10.1007/s00127-005-0003-5

Heger Boyle, E., & Ali, A. (2010). Culture, Structure, and the Refugee Experience in Somali Immigrant Family Transformation. International Migration, 48(1), 47-79. doi:10.1111/j.1468-2435.2009.00512.x

Laitin, D. D., & Weingast, B. (2006). An Equilibrium Alternative to the Study of Culture. Good Society Journal, 15(1), 15-20. Retrieved from EBSCOhost.

Leather, A., Ismail, E., Ali, R., Abdi, Y., Abby, M., Gulaid, S., & … Parry, E. (2006). Working together to rebuild health care in post-conflict Somaliland. Lancet, 368(9541), 1119-1125. doi:10.1016/S0140-6736(06)69047-8

McEwen, A. A., Straus, L. L., & Croker, H. H. (2009). Dietary beliefs and behaviour of a UK Somali population. Journal of Human Nutrition & Dietetics, 22(2), 116-121. doi:10.1111/j.1365-277X.2008.00939.x

Wallin, A., & Ahlström, G. (2010). From diagnosis to health: a cross-cultural interview study with immigrants from Somalia. Scandinavian Journal of Caring Sciences, 24(2), 357-365. doi:10.1111/j.1471-6712.2009.00729.x

Webersik, C. (2004). Differences That Matter: The Struggle of the Marginalised in Somalia. Africa (Edinburgh University Press), 74(4), 519-533. Retrieved from EBSCOhost.

Webersik, C. (2006). Mogadishu: an economy without a state. Third World Quarterly, 27(8), 1463-1480. doi:10.1080/01436590601027297