The Yuna Gulay and Other Masks of the Dogon Funeral Ritual, Research Paper Example

Introduction

Masks have been used throughout human history in a variety of ways, such as in ceremonies and rituals, in various forms of theater and performance, and simply as works of visual art. Many of the indigenous tribes of West Africa are notable for the significance of masks in their traditional rituals. In their most common uses, masks are intended to represent spirits from the supernatural realm or sometimes the embodiment of the spirits of animals or other aspects of the natural world. The Dogon people of Mali are particularly well-known for their use of masks in a number of important rituals, and any of the Dogon rituals from ancient times are still peformed today. These rituals are sometimes performed for specific purposes within groups of families and other sub-groups of the larger Dogon tribe; some of these rituals have also become popular sights for visiting tourists, who happily pay to see the Dogon people enact the rituals. There are an enormous variety of different masks used by the Dogon, and many of these masks are not used for entertaining the public. There are several masks in particular, however, that are commonly seen in Dogon rituals and mask dances. The most familiar mask among the group of Dogon masks may be the Yana Gulay mask, which is featured in a traditional Dogon funeral ritual where the mask dancers represent the spirits who have arrived to assist with carrying a fallen member of the tribe off to the spirit world after death.

Rituals and Religion of the Dogon

The use of masks for rituals and ceremonies among the indigenous peoples of West Africa predates any written or recorded history; as such, the details of their origins are not fully understood. While different tribes have their own unique traditions and rituals, many of the masks created by different tribal cultures share some common traits. The visual appearances of many ceremonial masks are meant to be more impressionistic than they are meant to look exactly like the animals or spirits they represent. These masks are intended to capture the essence of the animal, spirit, or being rather than to serve as an exact image (Bingham, 2004). The wearer of the mask is trying to subsume his identity behind the mask, and in some cases where masks are used the wearers and the participants in the ceremony believe that the spirits they are calling upon actually come down to Earth and inhabit, or possess, the bodies of those wearing the masks (Finley, 1999). These possession traditions were carried away from Africa with the slave trade, and helped to influence the development of religious structures such as Vodun in Haiti (often referred to by Westerners as “voodoo”) (Bingham). The idea that ceremonies and rituals can manifest the spirits is a common trait among traditional West African cultures.

The use of masks and masked dancers among the tribes of West Africa is seen in a variety of rituals and ceremonies. Masks are used at weddings, funerals, harvest celebrations, and fertility rituals. Besides their use as mediums for communing with the spirits, masks are often used by the Dogon and other indigenous West Africans for the purposes of storytelling and for passing along tribal folklore and history. For cultures that do not (or in the past, did not) use written language, the use of masks and other costumes provide a means of keeping oral histories vibrant and vital (Finley). Although these masks are often crafted today for the purpose of selling them to tourists, many indigenous peoples still make regular use of them as a standard part of their contemporary cultural life.

Ceremonial and ritual masks are crafted from a variety of materials; some of the more common materials are wood carved from tree trunks, strips of woven cloth, and paints made from plants and minerals found in the region where the masks are made. Perhaps the most common form of ceremonial mask found in West Africa is the type that is carved from the trunk of a tree and painted and decorated with cloth, shells, stones, and other materials. In many tribes the mask makers are afforded a high level of status, as is fitting considering the significance of the masks within the tribal culture. Because the wood used to make these masks is organic, there are few masks that have survived for more than several decades or, in some cases, a century or more. The majority of ceremonial masks seen on display in museums are from the 19^th and 20^th century, and most masks that are sold for the tourist trade are made by contemporary artisans, although they may be based on older, traditional designs (Bingham).

Although there are endless variations in the designs of masks found among the peoples of West Africa, there are a few archetypal forms that appear in many different types of masks. The faces of animals are often brought to life in the form of masks, though as noted these forms are not mean to be literal representations of the animals, but are instead intended to bring forth the spirit of the animal. It is also common to carve human features into masks, though these facial features are often exaggerated or highly stylized. In many instances these human faces are supposed to represent the images of deceased ancestors or other mythical figures meaningful to the tribe (Bingham). Another common form of ceremonial mask found in West Africa utilizes full-body carved figures of animals or people; these figures are perched atop the masks so that they appear to be dancing high in the air as the masked dancer moves about.

The Yana Gulay mask that is often used in the Dogon funeral ritual typically takes the form of a carved female figure standing upright atop the mask, and the mask itself fits over the head and face of the dancer and serves as a support base for the female figure rather than having anything carved directly on it (Finley). The Yana Gulay mask is generally carved from a solid block of wood taken from the trunk of a tree; there are no specific kinds of trees that must be used to create a Yana Gulay mask, and mask makers are free to use whatever wood is available. There are several other masks that are also commonly seen in the Dogon funeral ritual, including the Satimbe and the Kanaga masks (Azuonye, 1996). The Yana Gulay mask generally represents a human figure participating in the funeral ritual and interacting with the visiting spirits, while the Satimbe and Kanaga masks are representative of the spirits who have come to carry the soul of the dead to the spirit world.

Rituals and other activities involving the indigenous peoples of West Africa have long held a large measure of fascination for Westerners. Although many of the indigenous tribes of West Africa use masks and mask dancers for a variety of rituals, the funeral ritual of the Dogon people has garnered a notable amount of attention over the last several decades. A number of documentary filmmakers and others who recorded such events as far back as the early 20^th century made it possible for Western audiences to see these rituals for the first time. Perhaps the best know of these types of films was made in 1951 by French documentary director Jean Rouch, who captured a Dogon funeral ritual and presented it in his film Funeral on the Cliff (Azuonye). This particular funeral was held in honor of a wealthy and respected member of the Dogon tribe, and hundreds of participants joined dozens of dancers in the elaborate ritual.

Although each individual village of Dogon people has its own particular methods for conducting a funeral ritual, they typically follow a few common patterns. The home of the deceased member of the tribe is decorated with various idols and totems intended to serve as messages to welcome the spirits to the village. The body of the deceased is prepared for burial, and typically dressed in the best clothes he or she owned. Once the home and the body have been prepared, the ritual begins. The funeral procession, known as the dama, starts at the entrance of the home of the deceased and makes its way through the entire village. The exact manner of this procession can vary according to circumstances; a dama performed for the sake of the tribe may stop to visit prominent members of the village, such as respected elders and leaders. A dama that is put on for the benefit of visitors and tourists may take a form more like a parade, and simply march in front of or near the village.

Depending on the nature of the dama, and the prominence of the deceased among the members of the tribe, the dama may incorporate a mere handful of masked dancers or upwards of several dozen. Each village has its own specific masks to represent different spirits, though the Yana Gulay is a very common mask among dama rituals. The Yana Gulay typically represents a human figure whose role it is to welcome the spirits to the village, introduce them to the deceased, and to guide the spirits around the village before they depart with the soul of the deceased and return to the spirit world (Azuonye). Despite the fact that the figure of the Yana Gulay is female, the mask is generally worn by a male dancer during the dama (Azuonye). Along with the Yana Gulay and the other common mask forms, there are some masks that are only brought out when the deceased is a male member of the village.

The Dogon have several other common forms of ritual wherein they utilize masked dancers. The basic forms of Dogon ritual are built around ceremonies involving death and rebirth. The Dogon have a complicated theological belief system; they do not believe in direct reincarnation, but they do believe that human souls can travel back and forth between the Earth and the spirit world (Azuonye). The rituals performed by the Dogon that relate to rebirth can be actual birthing rituals, as well as celebrations for weddings, harvests, and other important events. As is the case with the dama, these rituals typically involve invitations to the spirits to visit the village and bring blessings upon the people, or to assist with carrying the spirit of a newborn into the body of the baby.

The Yana Gulay mask also makes appearances in other Dogon rituals and ceremonies. The Dogon use masked dancers for a variety of purposes; one of these is to recount and pass along Dogon folklore. Like the dama and other components of the funeral ritual, each village puts its own individual stamp on the different rituals and bits of folklore. Although there are many variations on the story, the Dogon people generally share a common creation myth, and the masked dancers of each village are an integral part of telling the story. The Dogon make a clear distinction between the spirit world and the physical world, but they see the activities of the spirit realm as being an integral part of life, and believe that the spirits take an active and participatory role in the lives of the Dogon.

The Dogon system of religion is fairly complex and layered with meaning. The Dogon make use of altars, idols, icons, and a variety of other totems. They have developed an intricate set of rituals and ceremonies for virtually every aspect of village life, and these rituals are carried out and conducted as a regular part of their day-to-day existence. The Dogon believe in the general principle of animism; as they see it, spirits inhabit every aspect of the physical world, from animals and plants to water, the sky, the wind, and any other natural objects and phenomena (Azuonye). The Dogon also believe that elements of the spirit world inhabit each of them; as such, they each share a personal connection with the spirit world. It is necessary to understand this worldview of the Dogon to truly understand the significance of their rituals masks and other religious and ceremonial items.

According to the Dogon religion, the dama and other such rituals call the spirits to visit the village; along with this they also expect the spirits to inhabit the bodies of the masked dancers. Once the rituals are underway, then, the masked dancers no longer simply represent the spirits; they actually become the spirits. The significance of the spirit activity goes even further, however, as the masks and religious carvings created by the Dogon are also inhabited by their own spirits. For an outsider, this can seem difficult to understand; for the Dogon, it is just a fact of life.

Between the rituals of death and rebirth the Dogon have rituals of continuity. These rituals are intended to ensure the health and happiness of the villagers, and to ensure that the spiritual force of the village itself remains vital. One of the most significant of the Dogon rituals is known as the Sigui ceremony; this event only takes place once every six decades, and is tied to the movement of the Dogon constellations (which differ, of course, from the constellations familiar to most Western cultures) (Azuonye). As is the case with their other ceremonies, the Sigui is, at its core, an invitation to the spirits to visit with, and bless, the villagers and the village.

The Anthropological Perspective on the Dogon

The Dogon people have inhabited the region known as Mali for thousands of years. Their culture predates recorded history, though it is difficult to say with certainty how much of their culture remains intact from these prehistoric times and how much of it has been influenced by input from other cultures (Ranier, 2003). As the religion of Islam spread from North Africa into the Western part of the continent, the Dogon were believed to have sought refuge in the cliffs and mountains of Mali (Ranier). Today Islam is the official religion of the region, and many members of the Dogon tribe have adopted the faith, though this may be more about practical necessity than actual willingness to abandon their own traditions.

Technically speaking, the Dogon are prohibited by the rules of Islam from practicing their traditional faith, which includes idolatry and other practices forbidden to Muslims. In practical terms, however, many Dogon continue to take part in their traditional religious practices and to perform the mask dances and other rituals for which they have become know in the West, thoigh they often have to keep such activities secret. The mask dances of the Dogon are widely popular with tourists, and the performance of these rituals often brings tourists and visitors to the region; the Dogon religious practices may be prohibited, but the tourist dollars they bring to the area are usually welcome (Ranier). Many Dogon live dual lives from a religious perspective, partaking in the rituals of Islam while also maintaining their traditional rituals and ceremonies.

As people from the West have discovered an interest in the traditional art and culture of West Africa, the Dogon and other indigenous peoples of the region have developed a cottage industry of making crafts for sale to these tourists. The Yana Gulay mask, for example, is no longer found only in traditional Dogon rituals, but can also be had for sale at a variety of markets and shops in the area. Because the traditional masks do not last very long, most of the masks offered for sale to tourists are made specifically for the trade, and are rarely very old. Even many of the masks that are displayed in museums in the West are relatively new, though collectors and curators of these museums and exhibits do try to find masks that are based on traditional designs. It is often the role of such collectors to work with historians to verify the realism of these traditional forms and to purchase masks and other ritual items for their collections that are believed to best represent the masks of earlier times.

Because collectors, both from the tourist trade and from the museum trade, are interested in collecting the oldest possible examples of West African art, the Dogon craftsmen who make these items have become adept at making their masks and idols appear to be much older than they really are. These craftsmen and artisans utilize a variety of techniques to “age” these masks, and they generally protect the secrets of their methods so that their competitors will have a difficult time duplicating their successes. The masks used by the villages are often just as new as the masks offered for sale to tourists; because they all look the same, unsuspecting buyers often think they are purchasing masks that are much older than they really are. A documentary film crew from the BBC that visited a Dogon village was told by one shop owner that the masks he had for sale were decades old and originated from a village many miles away. In truth, the filmmakers discovered, the masks were being made in a workshop directly behind the storefront. After finally being introduced to one of the artisans responsible for making –and aging- the Dogon masks, the film crew was allowed to witness the process the artisan used to make a brand-new mask appear to be many years old (BBC, n.d.).

The Dogon have experienced many changes in recent decades. For centuries, or even millennia, the Dogon were able to live off the land, finding the materials they needed for their ritual items from readily-available resources. As the population of the region has increased, and the area has become overcrowded, the Dogon and other peoples of the region have had to face entirely new pressures and circumstances. Areas that used to be heavily forested have been stripped bare, and it is no longer as easy to find the wood and other materials needed for the creation of ceremonial masks and other religious items (Azuonye). This situation has been further complicated by the introduction of Islam to the region, which has in many cases made it more difficult for the Dogon to carry out their traditional rituals.

Among the results of these pressures and changes in environment in circumstances has been the fact that it is often prohibitively expensive to perform rituals such as the dama (Azuonye). Whereas such rituals used to be a common, and relatively inexpensive occurrence, many of the Dogon people must now busy themselves in other ways in order to earn a living. The influx of other people and cultures into the region has fundamentally altered the economic realities of life for many Dogon, and they no longer have the time or the money to engage in their traditional rituals. This means that the dama and many of the other rituals that used to be performed whenever a member of the village died are now too expensive for the families of the deceased to afford (Ranier). The end result of these changes is that the performance of the dama is now done for the benefit of tourists more often than it is performed for actual deceased members of the Dogon villages.

Anthropologists note, often with some sadness, that these rituals that used to carry so much meaning for the dama are now often performed for money, solely for the purpose of entertaining tourists (BBC; Azuonye). Onlookers are encouraged to pay more if they wish to see the Dogon bring out more masks and stage more elaborate dama rituals. In most of these “performances” of the dama there is no actual funeral being performed, and the role of the deceased is acted out by one of the performers. In some cases those families who could not afford to pay for a dama for their deceased love one ask the performers to mention the name of the deceased; these honorary funerals often take place months or even years after the actual deaths (Azuonye).

Because these rituals are becoming codified, and have become as much about performance as they are about religious significance, some anthropologists note that the culture that gave birth to these traditions is becoming stagnant. Tourists are no longer interested in seeing the creation and introduction of new masks, or of variations on the traditional rituals; as such, notes one researcher, the Dogon are becoming a “culture of heritage” (BBC) and are losing something in the process. Most tourists who visit Dogon villages are not hoping to see a vibrant, vital culture; they only care to see an appearance by Yana Gula and her cohorts. This sort of cultural tourism may help the Dogon to pay for the necessities of life, but they are selling another piece of their history with each performance. There is a certain irony in noting that the most popular Dogon ritual is a funeral procession, as the procession that brings the Dogon so much attention is also helping to bring about the end of their culture.

References

Azuonye, C. (1996). Dogon. New York, NY: Rosen Pub. Group.

BBC (n.d.). West African Dogon Masks Documentary by BBC [Video file]. Retrieved from http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=aBmPota4tpU

Bingham, J. (2004). African art & culture. Chicago, IL: Raintree.

Finley, C. (1999). The art of African masks: Exploring cultural traditions. Minneapolis, MN: Lerner Publications Co.

Ranier, C. (2003). Unique Dogon Culture Survives in West Africa. National Geographic News Online. Retrieved from http://news.nationalgeographic.com/news/2003/05/0529_030529_dogon.html