Women in Crisis in Modern Brazil, Essay Example

Women living in the shanty towns of the country of Brazil face unimaginable challenges and hardships.  While women living in the more affluent areas of Brazil are considered an equal gender, there is still a mindset of inequality. They have the same legal rights as men and there are a few in political roles.  However, in the poor regions of the cane fields, women suffer infant and child mortality frequently with a direct impact on the family structure in these regions. The mother-child bond is not the typical American dream of a mother’s love and attention. The political and economic system is a problem which is felt to be indirectly responsible for the infant deaths and the emotional hardness that women learn to deal with associated to pregnancy and infants.

Anthropologist Nancy Scheper-Hughes in Death Without Weeping: The Violence of Everyday Life in Brazil details the agony of life among the sugar cane workers in the Northeastern portion of Brazil. The author examines life in Alto do Cruzeiro and the market town of Bom Jesus de Mata. Alto women are strong and live in extremely difficult conditions in severe poverty.  There is great diversity among the varying regions of Brazil. The country has immense political and economic systematic problems resulting in the acute economic differences in the locations throughout the country.

Northeast Brazil is a large part of the country.  It holds about one third of the total population in the country of Brazil. Approximately 80 percent of the population is illiterate. Overall the region is plagued by malnutrition and a plethora of various diseases and illnesses. There is a lack of public services, running water, or electricity. This creates numerous problems for quality of health and life. The populations of this region virtually go without health or dental care. Every aspect of life is dedicated to finding ways to solve the problems of not having specific things and services.

As the land became more and more immersed in sugar cane, which is a predatory crop, the population found themselves traveling just to find wood to cook with. The transformation of the sugar industry and the promise of work brought some to the shantytowns for work. However, as the land became consumed with sugar cane resources became limited and created an imbalance in the area. Some of the locals see this as a punishment from God “for the evils that women have invented and forced on the doctors – abortions and tubal ligations” (Scheper-Hughes, 1992, p. 33).

A division in how the people of Brazil feel about the poorer sections of Brazil is demonstrated through the annual Carnaval they hold. Typically this is a time of festival and families participating in activities, food, drink and dance.  This is also the customary preparation for the religious season of Lent. The word is derived from carnal where one can express their inner most desires. They wear disguises to express what is hidden within their private desires and wishes. The population of the Alto do Cruzeiro have their own festival separately from the more affluent festivities. “Even while throwing themselves into the spontaneous job and abandon of the festival, their carnaval ‘play’ can also do the dirty work of class, gender, and sexual divisions which by means of grotesque exaggeration are etched even more deeply into the individual and the collective bodies” (Scheper-Hughes, 1992, p. 482).

The concept of maternity and the effects of cultural differences are woven throughout the book creating a question of survival and accommodation to circumstances. The sugar cane workers typically live in shantytowns; low cost, self constructed buildings situated on uneasy terrain. In Brazil the shantytowns are referred to as Favelas. Families living in these units are subject to high crime incidents, suicide, drug use and various diseases. “Rural to urban migration, unemployment, favelas, illiteracy, and malnutrition are the primary culprits behind the epidemics” (Scheper-Hughes, 1992, p. 31).

Women are particularly seen as lesser human beings in the favelas. They are often forced to do things against their will. With prostitution being legal in Brazil this also adds to the negative attitudes towards women.  Pregnancy is something the men in general are not concerned with and refuse to practice any form of birth control. Men in particular are not interested in children and it is left up the mothers to care for them; leaving birth control practices to the women.  Therefore, birth control is generally not practiced due to accessibility, cost, and education. In this area of poverty, child survival is low. Women are charged with protecting the infants for survival. Ann Crittenden discusses the different cultural differences of motherhood in her book and states “in Brazil, $1 in the hands of a Brazilian woman has the same effect on child survival as $18 in the hands of a man” (p. 122).

“Approximately one million children under the age of five die every year in Brazil, largely the result of parasitic infections interacting with infectious disease and chronic under nutrition” (Scheper-Hughes, 1987, p. 187). The way in which mothers deal with this high infant rate is to protect them from the attachment early in pregnancy and with the new born. Typically throughout the world babies and moms ‘bond’ early by the mother providing attention, touch and speaking or signing to the child. Brazil mothers will often not provide a name for the child until they are walking and talking in order to emotionally protect themselves should the child die.

The nature of love by Brazilian mothers is characterized by a somewhat impersonal approach. “Affection for the ne-ne (baby) is diffuse and not focused on any particular characteristics of the infant as a little person” (Scheper-Hughes, 1987, p. 203). Mothers who bare children out of wedlock or in situations they are not able to care for the infant will often simply leave the baby on the steps of a stranger known to be a good person and have the abilities to care for a child. This act demonstrates a type of love for the child as the mother is trying to give the child a chance at a better life and possibly save them from infection and disease.

Culture and society play a huge role on Brazil mothers and how they form attachments to their children.  It is important to note that an early lack of attachment, an indifferent commitment, or even a hostile rejection of an infant does not preclude the possibility of an enfolding drama of mother-child attachments later on; as evidenced by some survivors of early and severe neglect (Scheper-Hughes, 1987, p. 205).

With the severe conditions, food shortages and the unavailability of proper medical care, the infant survival rate is almost doomed before life can begin. The mothers through time has learned this and grown accustomed to following the traditions of Brazilian mothers and affection. These women have a strong sense of the struggle of life between a strong and weak child. This explains the necessity of allowing some, particularly the very sick babies to die ‘a mingua’ which means without attention, care or protection; to literally die of want (Scheper-Hughes, 1987, p. 188).

This demonstrates maternal thinking processes over emotional attachment. Mothers become indifferent towards their children who demonstrate weakness or illness. Maternal detachment begins towards the child who is felt to be too weak to survive the extremely difficult life in the shanty towns. Scheper-Hughes (1987) sees this as a unifying metaphor of life as a luta, a struggle, between the strong and the weak, or between the weak and weaker still which is demonstrated by the mothers.  This maternal detachment and thinking is socially and culturally produced among the poorer locations in Brazil.

Mothers will consider these infants as a temporary visitor as a means of detachment and emotional preservation. This form of mother love is not the absence of love but rather different and shaped by the culture brought about due to economic and political restraints. The demonstration of love in public by kissing, touching and smiling does not always mean there is true love between the mother and child. Public demonstrations of affection may be a façade with child abuse in private. The distinctions between natural mothering and deep private feelings versus public demonstrations are not easily understood.

Society has dictated that mothers must grieve deeply and strongly over the lost of an infant. However, this is public demonstration. Showing what is politically and socially correct by appropriate grief as judged by others is not allowing differing cultures and individuals to have private feelings and to deal with sorrow in their own way.  Maternal instinct cannot be measured, nor can appropriate grief.  While maternal indifference to a dying infant may be appropriate for Alto mother, it is just as likely that a mother will rejoice should the child turnaround and begin to show signs of survival. Should the baby die the Alto mindset is that the death is a blessing, freeing the child from pain and suffering. They see the dead infant as going to heaven and having a better life.

Infants are seen as little birds, here one moment and flying off the next (Scheper-Hughes, 1992, p. 364). Alto women see this also in the deaths of children and often refer to a deceased infant as a ‘little angel.’ Mothers watch and learn which children have the strength to live and only then do they allow themselves emotions towards the baby or child. They must learn to recognize when a child shows that death is imminent. Mothering requires one to call on all resources and strengths necessary to help the sick, disabled, or weak infant or young baby to let go, that is to die quickly and well (Scheper-Hughes, 1992, p. 364).

Another factor which helps the Alto mother to accept the detachment is that dead infants are seen as transitional objects. They are not human but have not yet flown to heaven as a little angel. The death is the struggle to transition between leaving a human body and being the little angel who is blessed and going to heaven to share in the beauty and glory of God. They see these little angels as finding their way to their next life. They do not cry as tradition believes that tears will make the path slippery for the infant to find their way to heaven. Or possibly the tears could fall on the infant and prohibit the spirit child from finding heaven with dampened wings and not being able to fly. Grief at the death of an angel is not only inappropriate, it is also a symptom of madness and a profound lack of faith (Lancaster & DiLeonardo, 1997, p. 86.

Brazilian culture itself considers motherly love to be commonplace and is elaborated in the culture through literature and art, music and folklore. Many of the more affluent populations of Brazil are unaware of shanty towns and maternal detachment. Although doctors and teachers may come into contact with a neglected child, most are simply unaware of the difficulties this population faces. However, within the shantytown a child’s death is understood as an appropriate maternal response to a deficiency in the child itself (Scheper-Hughes, 1987, p. 190). This is not what could be regarded as child abuse. The culture and these women appear to not demonstrate anger or aggression towards a child but rather feel pity for the child. The detachment does not have to do with neglect or abuse; but rather emotional protection for the mother.

Children of Brazil who survive infancy are taught early on to be independent and a part of the family. Tobias Hecht (1998) demonstrates two philosophies regarding children of Brazil. The first is the nurturing childhood and the second is the nurtured childhood.  Children living in the shantytowns are nurturing children. They are poor children who from a very early age take on serious responsibilities; bringing resources to their mothers and nurture the household which are activities they view as moral obligations. Nurtured children are seen as coddled from middle-class families, creating more work for the household.  These children are valued for the simple fact that they are children.  Nurturing children are valued based on the role they play within the family structure.

Children reared under these conditions are very loyal to their mothers and families. They are taught early to work hard and carry their own weight, per se. Both mother and child have a sense of the right to life and to enjoy what they have. It is felt that this culture perseveres rather than just gives up on life due to the disparity they live and endure. Nancy Scheper-Hughes states:

“the conversation that evening turned to the women of the Alto do Cruzerio and specifically to their personal and collective resilience in the face of adversity – their ‘spirit of survival’ – and beyond that to their spirit of pleasure and joyful affirmation of life. In short, what did it mean to say of a favorite adult child, ‘Ele vingou! Escapou a morte! He beat the odds.  He escaped death! And to follow with the affirmation ‘my God, does he have a lust for life!’?” (1992, p. 446-447).

This amplifies the theory of how in some people living a life of adversity often excels due to the challenges.

Although the children who grow up under these conditions love their mothers, the relationships are also different from what the traditional mother-child love is demonstrated. Love is often equated with material gifts. Children are taught to be self sufficient and a loyal part of the family. They bring food and groceries to their mothers; demonstrating an alliance to the family. In turn, they receive what they perceive as ‘love’ which is typically sustained by the repeat giving of favors. A nine-year-old child states that his mother “has to love me, I bring her money and food to eat” (Scheper-Hughes, 1992, p. 475).

Friendships are also fashioned in this manner. The relationship may end as soon as the food has been eaten but not replaced. Families and households are structured more by need than love or commitment. Or perhaps it is more accurate to acknowledge that need and love may follow equally in this culture. Children are raised primarily by the mothers with women having husbands who only come around occasionally. This is another concept the children are raised with and accept as a cultural normal. Men in this scenario often have multiple women they visit and engage in an informal practice of polygyny, even if they are not the natural father or husband they will refer to each as their wife and children (Scheper-Hughes, 1992, p. 475-476).

The people of Alto are considered patient and against violence. Having suffered through the decades they have learned gentleness in dealing with their situation. They recognize the economic and political problems and consider them an evil aspect of life. There is definitely a balance that must be struck by the people in order to thrive in such poverty and oppression. The factor that these people deal with which helps is the act of not resisting their fate but rather learning to exist with the difficulties.

The population in Northeast Brazil understands the causes and the consequences of military government and economic inequality. They do the very best they can to not only survive but to enjoy live and to follow the traditions of their culture. It is an assumption that all humans are imperfect. They deal with this through street parties to celebrate life. This may be a part of the survival methodology for this strange and out of the ordinary lifestyle.

What causes this disparity between the rich and the poor? Brazil is the fifth largest country in the world and ranks as one of the most powerful and dynamic economies in Latin America and among the largest in the world (Kenny, 2007).  The problem revolves around income inequality; with more than half of the population being poor. Racism and violence are also reasons for the problem. The great folia/delirio (made folly) of the ‘economic miracle years and the disastrous consequences of Brazil’s $112 billion external debt and the effects on the rural and urban shantytowns (Scheper-Hughes, 1992). The reality is that women unfortunate enough to be born in this region are condemned to suffer the economic exploitation which has become a part of that culture.

From an anthropological viewpoint the question remains whether this cultural conditioning of the mothers and children is bad or wrong. While this is radically different from Western processes, the women of Alto are not able to live any other way and have made the necessary accommodations to survive. The relationships within this culture have functioned through the years. Society must look at American or Brazilian maternity on an unbiased level, leaving prejudge behind, and acknowledge the reality of different cultures.

Nancy Scheper-Hughes’ look into the life and culture of the Alto women and children demonstrates the violence and poverty with death in the shantytowns.  She reviews the concepts of maternal detachment, thinking and acceptance. Her examination of the mother-infant connection and interaction demonstrates the diversity of mother-child love and bonding between the northeast regions of Brazil and the rest of the world.  Mother love takes many shapes and is intertwined with the culture and location. Customs arise out of geographical regions based on climates, terrain, and population to include dress, foods, ideas, art, and all concepts of living. The mothers of  this region have accommodated and a custom has been created to help deal with the high infant mortality rate. Otherwise, these women could not function emotionally or physically due to continual grief and depression from losing as many or more babies than survive.

References

Crittenden, Ann. The Price of Motherhood: Why the Most Important Job in the World is Still the Least Valued.  2001. Henry Holt and Company, New York.

Hecht, Tobias. At Home in the Street: Street Children of Northeast Brazil. 1998. Press Syndicate of the University of Cambridge, United Kingdom

Kenny, Mary. Hidden Heads of the Households: Child Labor in Urban Northeast Brazil. 2007.  Broadview Press, Toronto

Lancaster, Roger N., DiLeonard, Micaela. The Gender/Sexuality Reader: Culture, History, Political Economy. 1997. Rutledge, New York.

Scheper-Hughes, Nancy. Child Survival: Anthropological Perspectives. 1987.  D. Reidel Publishing Company, Holland.

Scheper-Hughes, Nancy. Death Without Weeping: The Violence of Everyday Life in Brazil. 1992. University of California Press, Berkeley and Los Angeles.